134,99 zł

History, Life, Administration, And Times Of James Buchanan, Fifteenth President Of The United States

Książki Obcojęzyczne>Angielskie>Society & social sciences>Politics & government>Political science & theory

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Sklep: Gigant.pl

74,99 zł

U. S. Government Information And Policies And Practices, Administration And Operation Of The Freedom Of Information Act, Vol. 4

Książki Obcojęzyczne>Nieprzypisane

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Sklep: Gigant.pl

166,81 zł

Cold War and the United States Information Agency Cambridge University Press

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Published at a time when the U.S. government's public diplomacy has been in crisis, this book provides an exhaustive account of how it used to be done. The United States Information Agency was created, in 1953, to 'tell America's story to the world' and, by engaging with the world through international information, broadcasting, culture, and exchange programs, became an essential element of American foreign policy during the Cold War. Based on newly declassified archives and more than 100 interviews with veterans of public diplomacy, from the Truman administration to the fall of the Berlin Wall, Nicholas J. Cull relates both the achievements and the endemic flaws of American public diplomacy in this period. Major topics include the process by which the Truman and Eisenhower administrations built a massive overseas propaganda operation; the struggle of the Voice of America to base its output on journalistic truth; the challenge of presenting civil rights, the Vietnam War, and Watergate to the world; and the climactic confrontation with the Soviet Union in the 1980s. This study offers remarkable and new insights into the Cold War era.

Sklep: Libristo.pl

84,99 zł

Public Access To Government Information In The 21st Century

Książki Obcojęzyczne>Nieprzypisane

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Sklep: Gigant.pl

94,06 zł

Destroying Libya and World Order Clarity Press

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This book applies Boyle's functionalist, Fullerian, and anti-Hobbesian framework of analysis for international law and organizations elaborated above in order to develop a comprehensive history and critique of American foreign policy toward Libya from when the Reagan administration came to power in January of 1981 until today in the immediate aftermath of the Obama administration's orchestrated NATO War against Libya, that is for over the past three decades. Chapters 2 and 3 deal with the repeated series of military conflicts and crises between the United States and Libya over the Gulf of Sidra and international terrorism during the eight years of the neoconservative Reagan administration. Chapter 4 explains and analyzes the Lockerbie bombing allegations and dispute by the United States and the United Kingdom against Libya that started with the realist Bush Senior administration, continued through the neoliberal Clinton administration, and was finally wound up by the neoconservative Bush Junior administration in order to gain access to Libya's oil.Then in 2011 the neoliberal Obama administration directly took over Libya's oil fields under the pretext of the so-called Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine. Chapter 5 analyzes and debunks the doctrines of R2P and its immediate predecessor "humanitarian intervention" in accordance with the standard recognized criteria of international law. Chapter 6 then takes this debunking analysis and applies it to the U.S./NATO war against Libya under the R2P rubric during the neoliberal Obama administration in 2011. In the Conclusion, Boyle reflects on where the world stands today after September 11, 2001 and the consequent American "global war on terrorism" for which the oil-laden Libya had always been designated to be a primary target starting since the late neoliberal Carter administration and primarily because of that oleaginous reason alone.It took three decades for the United States government spanning and working assiduously over five different presidential administrations (Reagan, Bush Senior, Clinton, Bush Junior, and Obama) to overthrow and reverse the 1969 Qaddafi Revolution in order to reconquer and resubjugate Libya, its oil fields, and its people, as well as to re-establish an American neo-colonial outpost in North Africa for the express purpose of projecting power onto that continent where all human life itself began - the cradle of civilization. This book tells the story of what happened, why it happened, and what was wrong with what happened from the perspective of an international law professor and lawyer who tried for over three decades to stop it and to promote a better future for Libya and the Libyans as well as improved, peaceful and better relations between them and the United States.

Sklep: Libristo.pl

45,80 zł

Colossus Penguin

Inne 1

Is America the new world empire? Presidents from Lincoln to Bush may have denied it but, as Niall Ferguson's brilliant and provocative book shows, the US is the greatest military and economic colossus of all time. What's more, it always has been an empire, with its founding fathers battling westwards for territory and their successors spreading freedom across the world - at gunpoint if necessary. Yet is the US really equipped to play Atlas, bearing the weight of the world on its shoulders? America, Ferguson reveals, is now an empire running on empty, backing away from the crucial imperial commitments of time, money and manpower - and resting on perilous financial foundations. When the New Rome falls, its collapse may come from within. Unlike the majority of European writers who have written on this subject, I am fundamentally in favor of empire. Indeed, I believe that empire is more necessary in the twenty-first century than ever before. The threats we face are not in themselves new ones. But advances in technology make them more dangerous than ever before. Thanks to the speed and regularity of modern air travel, infectious diseases can be transmitted to us with terrifying swiftness. And thanks to the relative cheapness and destructiveness of modern weaponry, tyrants and terrorists can realistically think of devastating our cities. The old, post-1945 system of sovereign states, bound loosely together by an evolving system of international law, cannot easily deal with these threats because there are too many nation-states where the writ of the "international community" simply does not run. What is required is an agency capable of intervening in the affairs of such states to contain epidemics, depose tyrants, end local wars and eradicate terrorist organizations. This is the self-interested argument for empire. But there is also a complementary altruistic argument. Even if they did not pose a direct threat to the security of the United States, economic and social conditions in a number of countries in the world would justify some kind of intervention. The poverty of a country like Liberia is explicable not in terms of resource endowment; otherwise (for example) Botswana would be just as poor. The problem in Liberia, as in so many sub-Saharan African states, is simply misgovernment: corrupt and lawless dictators whose conduct makes economic development impossible and encourages political opposition to take the form of civil war. Countries in this condition will not correct themselves. They require the imposition of some kind of external authority. There are those who would insist that an empire is by definition incapable of playing such a role; in their eyes, all empires are exploitative in character. Yet there can be

Sklep: Albertus.pl

70,74 zł

Superpower Myth Turner Publishing Company

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"A sensible, hard-headed, realistic alternative to the excesses of America's Iraq-era dealings with the world."-James Fallows, National Correspondent, The Atlantic MonthlyUsing vivid examples from her years in the White House and at the United Nations, Nancy Soderberg demonstrates why military force alone is not always effective, why allies and consensus-building are crucial, and how the current administration's faulty worldview has adversely affected policies toward Israel, Iraq, North Korea, Haiti, Africa, and al Qaeda. Powerful, provocative, and persuasive, this timely book demonstrates that the future of America's security depends on overcoming the superpower myth."One of the greatest strengths of Soderberg's book is her insider's account of many of the seminal events of the 1990s. Soderberg [gives us] a bird's-eye view of such critical issues as intervention in the Balkans and Haiti and U.S. efforts to combat al Qaeda and hunt down Osama bin Laden."-Charles A. Kupchan, The Washington Post Book World"A long, detailed insider's narrative of Clinton's foreign policy and an outsider's critique of Bush II's. Its value lies in its comprehensive coverage of American foreign policy."-Chalmers Johnson, The San Diego Union-Tribune"Does America Need a Foreign Policy?, by Henry Kissinger, The Choice, by Zbigniew Brzezinski, and The Superpower Myth, by Nancy Soderberg-all of these authors have firsthand experience in government, and it shows. The Superpower Myth, which doubles as a memoir of Soderberg's years in the Clinton administration, is a history told from inside meeting rooms, full of detail about how government bureaucracies actually function-and why sometimes they don't."-Jonathan D. Tepperman, The New York Times Book Review"Soderberg's argument that we must engage the world in concert with others speaks to an essential truth that we ignore at our own peril."-Ivo H. Daalder, coauthor of America Unbound"In The Superpower Myth Nancy Soderberg tackles the most important question the United States has faced since the end of the cold war: how, and to what end, do we use our military and economic supremacy? Her argument shows, among other things, how George W. Bush ignored the answers that the Clinton administration had begun to develop to this question. She provides a very useful memoir of the Clinton years and a compelling critique of the Bush administration."-John B. Judis, Senior Editor, The New Republic, and author of The Folly of Empire

Sklep: Libristo.pl

178,57 zł

From Wealth to Power Princeton University Press

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What turns rich nations into great powers? How do wealthy countries begin extending their influence abroad? These questions are vital to understanding one of the most important sources of instability in international politics: the emergence of a new power. In "From Wealth to Power", Fareed Zakaria seeks to answer these questions by examining the most puzzling case of a rising power in modern history - that of the United States. If rich nations routinely become great powers, Zakaria asks, then how do we explain the strange inactivity of the United States in the late nineteenth century? By 1885, the U.S. was the richest country in the world. And yet, by all military, political, and diplomatic measures, it was a minor power. To explain this discrepancy, Zakaria considers a wide variety of cases between 1865 and 1908 when the U.S. considered expanding its influence in such diverse places as Canada, the Dominican Republic, and Iceland. Consistent with the realist theory of international relations, he argues that the President and his administration tried to increase the country's political influence abroad when they saw an increase in the nation's relative economic power.But they frequently had to curtail their plans for expansion, he shows, because they lacked a strong central government that could harness that economic power for the purposes of foreign policy. America was an unusual power - a strong nation with a weak state. It was not until late in the century, when power shifted from states to the federal government and from the legislative to the executive branch, that leaders in Washington could mobilize the nation's resources for international influence. Zakaria's exploration of this tension between national power and state structure will change how we view the emergence of new powers and deepen our understanding of America's exceptional history.

Sklep: Libristo.pl

204,10 zł

Keeping Tito Afloat Pennsylvania State University Press

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""Keeping Tito Afloat offers the most comprehensive treatment of U.S.-Yugoslav relations during the Cold War. Lees has an excellent feel for the development of policy within the American government, and she provides insightful analysis of the motives and actions of key people in the Truman and Eisenhower administrations. But the book is not simply focused on the U.S.; it offers valuable insight into Tito and his ability to resist American 'plans' for him.""-Wilson D. Miscamble, University of Notre Dame""This account is the best single source on United States-Yugoslav relations during the Truman and Eisenhower years.""-Journal of American HistoryKeeping Tito Afloat draws upon newly declassified documents to show the critical role that Yugoslavia played in U.S. foreign policy with the communist world in the early years of the Cold War. After World War II, the United States considered Yugoslavia to be a loyal Soviet satellite, but Tito surprised the West in 1948 by breaking with Stalin. Seizing this opportunity, the Truman administration sought to ""keep Tito afloat"" by giving him military and economic aid. President Truman hoped that American involvement would encourage other satellites to follow Tito's example and further damage Soviet power. However, Lees demonstrates that it was President Eisenhower and Secretary of State John Foster Dulles who most actively tried to use Tito as a ""wedge"" to liberate the Eastern Europeans.By the end of 1958, Eisenhower and Dulles discontinued this ""wedge strategy"" because it raised too many questions about the ties that should exist between communist, non-communist, and neutral states. As Tito shrewdly kept the U.S. at arm's length, Eisenhower was forced to accept Tito's continued absence from the Soviet orbit as victory enough. In the period between 1958 and 1960, Lees examines U.S. political objectives that remained after military support for Tito was discontinued. Although use of Yugoslavia as a wedge never fully succ

Sklep: Libristo.pl

138,17 zł

State of Exception The University of Chicago Press

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Two months after the attacks of 9/11, the Bush administration, in the midst of what it perceived to be a state of emergency, authorized the indefinite detention of noncitizens suspected of terrorist activities and their subsequent trials by a military commission. Here, distinguished Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben uses such circumstances to argue that this unusual extension of power, or "state of exception," has historically been an underexamined and powerful strategy that has the potential to transform democracies into totalitarian states. The sequel to Agamben's "Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, State of Exception" is the first book to theorize the state of exception in historical and philosophical context. In Agamben's view, the majority of legal scholars and policymakers in Europe as well as the United States have wrongly rejected the necessity of such a theory, claiming instead that the state of exception is a pragmatic question. Agamben argues here that the state of exception, which was meant to be a provisional measure, became in the course of the twentieth century a normal paradigm of government. Writing nothing less than the history of the state of exception in its various national contexts throughout Western Europe and the United States, Agamben uses the work of Carl Schmitt as a foil for his reflections as well as that of Derrida, Benjamin, and Arendt. In this highly topical book, Agamben ultimately arrives at original ideas about the future of democracy and casts a new light on the hidden relationship that ties law to violence.

Sklep: Libristo.pl

172,35 zł

George Washington SAGE Publications Inc

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Each volume in the new "American Presidents Reference Series" is organized around an individual presidency and gathers a host of biographical, analytical, and primary source historical material that will analyze the presidency and bring the president, his administration, and his times to life. The series focuses on key moments in U.S. political history as seen through the eyes of the most influential presidents to take the oath of office. Unique headnotes provide the context to data, tables and excerpted primary source documents. George Washington, born in 1732, was the first president under the Constitution of the United States. In 1753 he began his military career as a major in the Virginia militia. In 1755 he was appointed aide-de-camp to Major General Edward Braddock, under whom he fought in the French and Indian War. Three years later Washington resigned his post to seek election to the Virginia House of Burgesses, where he served for nine years. He was also a Virginia delegate to the First Continental Convention. On June 16, 1775, Washington accepted a commission as the commanding general of the Continental army. His skills as a multifaceted leader u military, political, inspirational - eventually led to the British defeat, the signing of the Treaty of Paris in September 1783, and Washington's retirement. However, in 1787 he agreed to serve as a delegate to the constitutional convention. Presidential electors unanimously elected Washington president in 1789. Key events during his two terms of office were the enactment of the Bill of Rights, Washington's commitment to neutrality in his foreign policies, and the ongoing debate about the role of the national government as championed by ardent opponents in Washington's administration: the Democratic-Republican Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson and the Federalist Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton. Washington established the tradition of the two-term presidency when he retired. George Washington died on December 14, 1799. This new volume of the presidency of George Washington will cover: his military exploits before, during, and after the American Revolution; his inspirational role during the constitutional convention; the Jeffersonian and Hamiltonian political perspectives; foreign affairs, American neutrality, and the Jay Treaty of 1795; and, Washington's legacy on American democracy.

Sklep: Libristo.pl

816,02 zł

Essentials of Chinese Medicine Springer London Ltd

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The Essentials of Chinese Medicine is a text book intended for international students who wish to gain a basic understanding of Chinese Medicine (CM) at the university level. The idea of writing such a text was originated from the Sino-American C- sortium for the Advancement of Chinese Medicine (SACACM), which was founded in February 2000. In 1995, the British Hong Kong Administration set up a Prepa- tory Committee for the Development of Chinese Medicine to look into ways of bringing Chinese medical practice and herbal trade under proper control and r- ulation. After the reuni?cation of Hong Kong with mainland China in 1997, the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region continued the efforts to uplift the practice of CM to a fully professional level through legislation. To help bring up a new generation of professional CM practitioners, the Hong Kong Baptist University (HKBU) obtained approval from the Government s univ- sity funding authority to develop a School of Chinese Medicine to prepare students who will meet the future professional requirements through public examinations. In order to establish itself quickly as a rigorous provider of university level CM education, HKBU sought alliance with eight major CM universities in the Chinese Mainland, and one US university which was interested in developing CM education within its medical college. As a result, the Consortium known as SACACM was formed, with ten founding institutions from Beijing, Shanghai, Nanjing, Shandong, Guangzhou, Chengdu, Heilongjiang, Hong Kong, and the United States.

Sklep: Libristo.pl

93,65 zł

New Manifest Destiny iUniverse

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In the second novel involving the Virginia Militia featured in James E. Eubanks's "A Southern Wind," Virginia billionaire and militia leader Claiborne Randolph is a highly powerful personal advisor to the U.S. president, and former government intelligence agent James Benton Stark is now a U.S. senator. This time, they're fighting a hideous virus infecting the people of the United States: illegal drugs.The presidential administration sends Lieutenant General John Hanberry and his forces to destroy the drug infrastructure of Colombia and confront China's growing influence in the old Canal Zone and Latin America. Hanberry's army is determined to end the perpetual cycle of human destruction caused by that insidious commerce-and they succeed.Emboldened by success in Colombia and Panama, the government, now led by President Randolph and Senator Stark, begins a new era of an American Democratic Empire based on the U.S. Constitution and the principles of freedom written by the Founding Fathers. But a bigger problem hides in the desert sands of Iran, one that won't be nearly as easy as their victories in Latin America and may just signal the end of the Virginia Militia .

Sklep: Libristo.pl

171,24 zł

State and Statecraft in Old Java Equinox Publishing (Asia) Pte Ltd

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Mr. Soemarsaid Moertono was born in East Java in 1922 and entered the Indonesian Civil Service in 1944. In 1962, before he came to the United States, he was teaching at Malang in the Academy of Public Administration under the auspices of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. In 1964 he successfully submitted this study as a M.A. thesis in the Department of History, Cornell University. Several Indonesian Dutch scholars, as well as contemporary Dutch observers, have examined aspects of Javanese government during the Later Mataram period, but few studies are at present available in the English language. The outstanding exception, to which Mr. Moertono pays tribute, is the late Professor Schrieke's Indonesian Sociological Studies, Volume II, The Hague, 1957, which is a translation of some of Professor Schrieke's unpublished manuscripts. In addition to published Dutch sources, Mr. Moertono has used his own substantial knowledge of Javanese literature, and, as a result, the reader of this study has the sensation that he is being helped to see the situation in Later Mataram from within. The reader will become aware of the rich contents of the Javanese sources, for which Dr. Th. G. Th. Pigeaud has recently provided a valuable survey in the first volume of his Literature of Java, The Hague, 1967. Perhaps students will be attracted to the study of the almost entirely unexplored Javanese context of Dutch activities in Java. Students of contemporary and near-contemporary Java will certainly wish to take into account the background of political ideas which Mr. Moertono has reconstructed and analyzed. Readers will use this study for a variety of purposes in addition to its contribution to the history of the Later Mataram period. For example, some of the technical terms for describing the attributes of kingship are derived from Sanskrit, and they are also found in Cambodian epigraphy and can be studied in Professor George Coedčs' Inscriptions du Cam-bodge . Thus an aid is offered for the comparative study of government in earlier South East Asia. Another aspect of Mr. Moertono's work which may attract attention is his observations on the education necessary for the cultivation of suitable moral and practical qualities in the service of the king. The reader may ask himself whether he is dealing with increasingly obsolete features of Javanese culture or with a culture which possessed the capacity for self-renewal. This is a question which cannot be broached until scholarship has advanced sufficiently to permit historical insights to be used more appropriately in the study of recent Javanese history. In the meantime, Mr. Moertono has shown that the piwulang genre of literature exemplifies a critical spirit. That the tradition was sensitive to contemporary needs is also suggested by the work of Raden Ngabei Ranggawarsita (1802-1873), regarded by the Javanese as the last great pudjangga. Mr. Moertono notes the suggestion that this person was influenced by Dutch scholars and administrators, and this circumstance may be interpreted as a scholar's facility for adjusting himself to new needs without deserting established values. The continuing process of Javanese adjustment to so-called modern conditions lies outside the scope of this study. The author's achievement has been to illuminate the way Javanese political ideas, though assailed by an unfavorable environment, did not cease to command conviction. Above all, the sense of the dignity of public service and the attribution of high qualities to public servants survived. One may permit oneself the hope that Mr. Moertono will, in spite of his present heavy responsibilities, find time to continue his research into more recent times, once again helping his reader to see the subject from a privileged position inside the tradition. - O.W. Wolters, London

Sklep: Libristo.pl

286,20 zł

Timothy D Lytton - Kosher Harvard University Press

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Generating over $12 billion in annual sales, kosher food is big business. It is also an unheralded story of successful private-sector regulation in an era of growing public concern over the government's ability to ensure food safety. Kosher uncovers how independent certification agencies rescued American kosher supervision from fraud and corruption and turned it into a model of nongovernmental administration. Currently, a network of over three hundred private certifiers ensures the kosher status of food for over twelve million Americans, of whom only eight percent are religious Jews. But the system was not always so reliable. At the turn of the twentieth century, kosher meat production in the United States was notorious for scandals involving price-fixing, racketeering, and even murder. Reform finally came with the rise of independent kosher certification agencies which established uniform industry standards, rigorous professional training, and institutional checks and balances to prevent mistakes and misconduct.In overcoming many of the problems of insufficient resources and weak enforcement that hamper the government, private kosher certification holds important lessons for improving food regulation, Timothy Lytton argues. He views the popularity of kosher food as a response to a more general cultural anxiety about industrialization of the food supply. Like organic and locavore enthusiasts, a growing number of consumers see in rabbinic supervision a way to personalize today's vastly complex, globalized system of food production.

Sklep: Libristo.pl

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