libristo fear power and politics 9241089
- znaleziono 27 produktów w 7 sklepach
Political Dynamics in Micro Organisational Accounting Change: Politics, Power and Fear
Książki
Sklep: KrainaKsiazek.pl
Republic of Fear University of California Press
Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna
First published in 1989, just before the Gulf War broke out, "Republic of Fear" was the only book that explained the motives of the Saddam Hussein regime in invading and annexing Kuwait. This edition, updated in 1998, has a substantial introduction focusing on the changes in Hussein's regime since the Gulf War. In 1968 a coup d'etat brought into power an extraordinary regime in Iraq, one that stood apart from other regimes in the Middle East. Between 1968 and 1980, this new regime, headed by the Arab Ba'th Socialist party, used ruthless repression and relentless organization to transform the way Iraqis think and react to political questions. In just twelve years, a party of a few thousand people grew to include nearly ten percent of the Iraqi population. This book describes the experience of Ba'thism from 1968 to 1980 and analyzes the kind of political authority it engendered, culminating in the personality cult around Saddam Hussein. Fear, the author argues, is at the heart of Ba'thi politics and has become the cement for a genuine authority, however bizarre.Examining Iraqi history in a search for clues to understanding contemporary political affairs, the author illustrates how the quality of Ba'thi pan-Arabism as an ideology, the centrality of the first experience of pan-Arabism in Iraq, and the interaction between the Ba'th and communist parties in Iraq from 1958 to 1968 were crucial in shaping the current regime. Saddam Hussein's decision to launch all-out war against Iran in September 1980 marks the end of the first phase of this re-shaping of modern Iraqi politics. The Iraq-Iran war is a momentous event in its own right, but for Iraq, the author argues, the war diverts dissent against the Ba'thi regime by focusing attention on the specter of an enemy beyond Iraq's borders, thus masking a hidden potential for even greater violence inside Iraq.
Sklep: Libristo.pl
Collected Writings of Chairman Mao - Politics and Tactics El Paso Norte Press
Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna
Mao Zedong (also known as Mao Tse-tung) is regarded as one of the most controversial figures in modern world history. Having conquered the country, he ruled the People's Republic of China from its establishment as a Communist state in 1949 until the time of his death in 1976. Brilliant and ruthless, his legacy includes guerrilla warfare tactics, violent cultural revolutions, and enduring Communist propaganda. He was named one of the 100 most influential figures of the 20th century by Time Magazine.Eric Margolis, of the Huffington Post writes of Chairman Mao:"Mao was an accomplished poet, writer and historian, a profound thinker, and a superb military strategist. He crushed the US-backed Nationalist's 4.3-million strong armies in a series of titanic battles, forcing his rival, Chiang Kai-shek, to flee to Taiwan... The Great Helmsman united fractured, war-torn China, restoring its pride and self-confidence after two centuries of humiliation. Mao thwarted both Soviet and U.S. efforts to turn China into a client state, and built up China's military power... Mao's aides dared not tell him millions were starving. Red Emperor Mao was prodigal with his people's lives, and, according to aides who were close to him, was shockingly indifferent to their suffering. Mao horrified even brutal Soviet leaders by saying he was prepared to lose half his people to emerge victorious from a nuclear war...The first volume in this special collection contains six important lectures and essays by Chairman Mao.*Part 1 - Basic Tactics*Part 2 - On Correcting Mistaken Ideas in the Party*Part 3 - The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party*Part 4 - The Role of the Chinese Communist Party*Part 5 - The Orientation of the Youth Movement*Part 6 - Win the MassesExcerpt from "Collected Writings of Chairman Mao - Politics and Tactics" by Mao Zedong.Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.WE MUST ORGANIZE THE MASSES AND UNITE WITH THEMModern warfare is not a matter in which armies alone can determine victory or defeat. Especially in guerrilla combat, we must rely on the force of the popular masses, for it is only thus that we can have a guarantee of success. The support of the masses offers us great advantages as regards transport, assistance to wounded, intelligence, disruption of the enemy's position, etc. At the same time, the enemy can be put into an isolated position, thus further increasing our advantages. If, by misfortune, we are defeated, it will also be possible to escape or to find concealment. Consequently, we must not lightly give battle in places where the masses are not organized and linked to us. WE MUST NOT FEAR THE ENEMYWhen we see the enemy, simply because he has a weapon in his hands, we must not be frightened to death, like a rat who sees a cat. We must not be afraid of approaching him or infiltrating into his midst, in order to carry out sabotage. We are men; our enemies are also men; we are all men, so what should we fear? The fact that he has weapons? We can find a way to seize his weapons. All we are afraid of is getting killed by the enemy. But when we undergo the oppression of the enemy to such a point as this, how can anyone still fear death? And if we do not fear death, then what is there to fear about the enemy? So when we see the enemy, whether he is many or few, we must act as though he can satisfy our hunger, and immediately swallow him.
Sklep: Libristo.pl
Third Reich in Power Penguin
Inne 1
The Third Reich in Power examines how it was possible for a group of ideological obsessives to remould a society famous for its sophistication and complexity into a one-party state directed at war and race hate. Richard J. Evans shows how the Nazis won over the hearts and minds of German citizens, twisted science, religion and culture, and transformed the economy, education, law and order to achieve total dominance in German politics and society. Drawing on an extraordinary range of research, blending narrative, description and analysis he creates a picture of a dictatorship consumed by visceral hatreds and ambitions, and driven by war. 'Authoritative history... impressive sweep... This essential book comes as a stark reminder, should we need one, of how much freedom a people is prepared to give away in a political climate dominated by fear.' Daily Telegraph Extract from The Third Reich in Power, 1933-1939 by Richard J. Evans Despised minorities were, to be sure, put in the concentration camps; but to focus exclusively on this ignores the much larger number of political and other deviants condemned by the courts and put in state prisons and penitentiaries. The further in time we get from Nazi Germany, the more difficult it becomes for historians living in democratic political systems and in cultures which respect the rights of the individual to make the leap of imagination necessary to understand people's behaviour in a state such as Nazi Germany, where imprisonment, torture or even death might await anyone who dared to voice the slightest criticism of the regime and its leaders. Those who approved of such repression were in all likelihood a minority, active supporters and functionaries of the Party like the Block Wardens, and a good number of middle- and upper-class, conservative Germans who thought the best place for Marxists to be was in prison anyway. Even they, however, knew well enough that they had to be careful about what they said and did, and the dangers of not doing so became abundantly clear once opposition began to spread among these groups too. The shots that killed Kurt von Schleicher, Herbert von Bose, Edgar Jung, Gustav von Kahr, Erich Klausener and Kurt von Bredow at the beginning of July 1934 were also a warning to upper- and middle-class conservatives to keep their heads down if they did not want them to be blown off. Ordinary conservative citizens like Luise Solmitz, who harboured no thoughts of political activism, may have turned aside from the bleak fact of the regime's willingness to murder its opponents, revealed so starkly in late June and early July 1934, in their relief that the order they craved had been restored; to such people, Röhm's stormtroopers seemed as great a menace as the Reichsbanner or the Red Front-Fighters' League of the Weimar years. Yet behind closed doors they cannot have been oblivious to the fate of the conservative clique around Vice-Chancellor von Papen. It was not only the third or so of the population who had been committed to the Marxist left before 1933 that was subject to massive intimidation. Indeed, scarcely had the murderous violence of the 'Night of the Long Knives' receded, than an even larger minority than the Marxists, that of the German Catholics, began to be prosecuted and imprisoned as they gave vent to their increasingly critical views of the regime in public. More general still were measures such as the Law on Malicious Gossip, which clamped down on the most trivial expressions of dissent and put people who told jokes about Hitler and Göring in prison. These were mainly members of the German working class, it is true, but the working class after all made up around half the entire population, and middle- and even upper-class offenders in this respect were brought before the Special Courts as well. Successful prosecutions under this law were a further instrument of mass intimidation, adding to the general climate of fear and helping to create the spiral of silence in which the regime could commit ever greater crimes without fear of public censure or opposition. The truth is that far from Nazi terror being levelled exclusively against small and despised minorities, the threat of arrest, prosecution and incarceration in increasingly brutal and violent conditions loomed over everyone in the Third Reich, even, as we have seen in the cases brought before the Special Courts, over members of the Nazi Party itself. The regime intimidated Germans into acquiescence, visiting a whole range of sanctions upon those who dared to oppose it, systematically disorienting people, and depriving them of their traditional social and cultural milieux, such as the pub or the club or the voluntary association, above all where these could be seen as a potential source of resistance, as in the case of the labour movement. Fear and terror were integral parts of the Nazis' armoury of political weapons from the very beginning. The state and the Party could use them because within a few months of Hitler's appointment as Reich Chancellor, they had systematically deprived all Germans of virtually every basic human and civil right they had enjoyed under the Weimar Republic. The law was no protection against the state if the state or any of its agencies suspected that a citizen was disinclined to demonstrate approval of its policies and purposes. On the contrary, vast numbers of new, often draconian laws were decreed that gave the police, the Gestapo and the SS a virtual carte blanche to deal with anyone suspected of deviating from the norms of human behaviour laid down by the Third Reich for its citizens. In this situation, it was not surprising that ordinary people and lower-level officials of the Nazi Party began to reinforce the atmosphere of pervasive terror and intimidation by sending their own unsolicited denunciations of deviants to the Gestapo. At the same time, the Gestapo was only one part of a much wider net of surveillance, terror and persecution cast by the Nazi regime over German society in the 1930s; others included the SA and SS, the Criminal Police, the prison service, the social services and employment offices, the medical profession, health centres and hospitals, the Hitler Youth, the Block Wardens and even apparently politically neutral organizations like tax offices, the railway and the post office. All of these furnished information about deviants and dissidents to the Gestapo, the courts and the prosecution service, forming a polymorphous, uncoordinated but pervasive system of control in which the Gestapo was merely one institution among many. Everything that happened in the Third Reich took place in this pervasive atmosphere of fear and terror, which never slackened and indeed became far more intense towards the end. 'Do you know what fear is?' an elderly worker asked an interviewer some years after it was all over: 'No. The Third Reich was fear.' Yet terrorism was only one of the Third Reich's techniques of rule. For the Nazis did not just seek to batter the population into passive, sullen acquiescence. They also wanted to rouse it into positive, enthusiastic endorsement of their ideals and their policies, to change people's minds and spirits and to create a new German culture that would reflect their values alone. This meant propaganda, and here too, as we shall now see, they went to unprecedented lengths to achieve their aims.
Sklep: Albertus.pl
The Power of Strangers Random House Publishing
Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna
A meticulously researched and buoyantly written (Esquire) look at what happens when we talk to strangers, and why it affects everything from our own health and well-being to the rise and fall of nations in the tradition of Susan Cain s Quiet and Yuval Noah Harari s Sapiens This lively, searching work makes the case that welcoming others isn t just the bedrock of civilization, it s the surest path to the best of what life has to offer. Ayad Akhtar, Pulitzer Prize winning author of Homeland ElegiesIn our cities, we stand in silence at the pharmacy and in check-out lines at the grocery store, distracted by our phones, barely acknowledging one another, even as rates of loneliness skyrocket. Online, we retreat into ideological silos reinforced by algorithms designed to serve us only familiar ideas and like-minded users. In our politics, we are increasingly consumed by a fear of people we ve never met. But what if strangers so often blamed for our most pressing political, social, and personal problems are actually the solution?In The Power of Strangers, Joe Keohane sets out on a journey to discover what happens when we bridge the distance between us and people we don t know. He learns that while we re wired to sometimes fear, distrust, and even hate strangers, people and societies that have learned to connect with strangers benefit immensely. Digging into a growing body of cutting-edge research on the surprising social and psychological benefits that come from talking to strangers, Keohane finds that even passing interactions can enhance empathy, happiness, and cognitive development, ease loneliness and isolation, and root us in the world, deepening our sense of belonging. And all the while, Keohane gathers practical tips from experts on how to talk to strangers, and tries them out himself in the wild, to awkward, entertaining, and frequently poignant effect.Warm, witty, erudite, and profound, equal parts sweeping history and self-help journey, this deeply researched book will inspire readers to see everything from major geopolitical shifts to trips to the corner store in an entirely new light, showing them that talking to strangers isn t just a way to live; it s a way to survive.
Sklep: Libristo.pl
We Were Eight Years in Power Random House Publishing
Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna
In these "urgently relevant essays," the National Book Award-winning author of Between the World and Me "reflects on race, Barack Obama's presidency and its jarring aftermath" -including the election of Donald Trump.New York Times Bestseller - Finalist for the PEN/Jean Stein Book Award and the Los Angeles Times Book Prize, and the Dayton Literary Peace PrizeNamed One of the Best Books of the Year by The New York Times - USA Today - Time - Los Angeles Times - San Francisco Chronicle - Essence - O: The Oprah Magazine - The Week - Kirkus ReviewsKirkus Reviews (starred review)"We were eight years in power" was the lament of Reconstruction-era black politicians as the American experiment in multiracial democracy ended with the return of white supremacist rule in the South. In this sweeping collection of new and selected essays, Ta-Nehisi Coates explores the tragic echoes of that history in our own time: the unprecedented election of a black president followed by a vicious backlash that fueled the election of the man Coates argues is America's "first white president."But the story of these present-day eight years is not just about presidential politics. This book also examines the new voices, ideas, and movements for justice that emerged over this period-and the effects of the persistent, haunting shadow of our nation's old and unreconciled history. Coates powerfully examines the events of the Obama era from his intimate and revealing perspective-the point of view of a young writer who begins the journey in an unemployment office in Harlem and ends it in the Oval Office, interviewing a president.We Were Eight Years in Power features Coates's iconic essays first published in The Atlantic, including "Fear of a Black President," "The Case for Reparations," and "The Black Family in the Age of Mass Incarceration," along with eight fresh essays that revisit each year of the Obama administration through Coates's own experiences, observations, and intellectual development, capped by a bracingly original assessment of the election that fully illuminated the tragedy of the Obama era. We Were Eight Years in Power is a vital account of modern America, from one of the definitive voices of this historic moment."Essential . . . Coates's probing essays about race, politics, and history became necessary ballast for this nation's gravity-defying moment."-The Boston Globe
Sklep: Libristo.pl
We Were Eight Years in Power Random House Publishing
Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna
NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER - In these "urgently relevant essays," the National Book Award-winning author of Between the World and Me "reflects on race, Barack Obama's presidency and its jarring aftermath" -including the election of Donald Trump."We were eight years in power" was the lament of Reconstruction-era black politicians as the American experiment in multiracial democracy ended with the return of white supremacist rule in the South. In this sweeping collection of new and selected essays, Ta-Nehisi Coates explores the tragic echoes of that history in our own time: the unprecedented election of a black president followed by a vicious backlash that fueled the election of the man Coates argues is America's "first white president."But the story of these present-day eight years is not just about presidential politics. This book also examines the new voices, ideas, and movements for justice that emerged over this period-and the effects of the persistent, haunting shadow of our nation's old and unreconciled history. Coates powerfully examines the events of the Obama era from his intimate and revealing perspective-the point of view of a young writer who begins the journey in an unemployment office in Harlem and ends it in the Oval Office, interviewing a president.We Were Eight Years in Power features Coates's iconic essays first published in The Atlantic, including "Fear of a Black President," "The Case for Reparations," and "The Black Family in the Age of Mass Incarceration," along with eight fresh essays that revisit each year of the Obama administration through Coates's own experiences, observations, and intellectual development, capped by a bracingly original assessment of the election that fully illuminated the tragedy of the Obama era. We Were Eight Years in Power is a vital account of modern America, from one of the definitive voices of this historic moment.Kirkus Reviews (starred review)Praise for We Were Eight Years in Power"Essential . . . Coates's probing essays about race, politics, and history became necessary ballast for this nation's gravity-defying moment." -The Boston Globe"Coates's always sharp commentary is particularly insightful as each day brings a new upset to the cultural and political landscape laid during the term of the nation's first black president. . . . Coates is a crucial voice in the public discussion of race and equality, and readers will be eager for his take on where we stand now and why." -Booklist (starred review)
Sklep: Libristo.pl
Power of Identity - Second Edition with New Preface John Wiley and Sons Ltd
Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna
Originally published in 1997, The Power of Identity, the second volume in The Information Age trilogy, saw the writing on the global wall - recognising identity as a defining principle of social organization and analyzing the importance of cultural, religious, and national identities as sources of meaning for people, and the implications of these identities for social movements.§§§Now with an extensive new preface following the recent global economic crisis, this second edition analyzes the major social and political events directly derived from the diagnosis of the book: Al Qaeda and fundamentalist terror networks; the Iraq War; the geopolitics of fear under the Bush Administration; and the Internet-based networking of global social movements fighting for global justice.§§§Studying grassroots mobilizations against the unfettered globalization of wealth and power, and the formation of alternative projects of social organization, this book charts the transformation of the nation-state into a network state, and the submission of political representation to the dictates of media politics.
Sklep: Libristo.pl
Power of Strangers Penguin Books
Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna
When was the last time you spoke to a stranger?In our cities, we barely acknowledge one another on public transport, even as rates of loneliness skyrocket. Online, we carefully curate who we interact with. In our politics, we are increasingly consumed by a fear of people we've never met. But what if strangers, long believed to be the cause of many of our problems, were actually the solution?In The Power of Strangers, Joe Keohane discovers the surprising benefits that come from talking to strangers, examining how even passing interactions can enhance empathy, happiness and cognitive development, ease loneliness and isolation, and root us in the world, deepening our sense of belonging. Warm, witty, erudite and profound, this deeply researched book will make you reconsider how you perceive and approach strangers, showing you how talking to strangers isn't just not a way to live, it's a way to survive.
Sklep: Libristo.pl
North Korea State of Paranoia - Paul French
Książki & Multimedia > Książki
Opis - North Korea continues to make headlines, arousing curiosity and fear in equal measure. The world"s most secretive nuclear power, it still has Gulag-style prison camps, allows no access to the Internet and bans its people from talking to foreigners without official approval. In this remarkable and eye-opening book, internationally best-selling author Paul French examines in forensic detail the history and politics of North Korea, Pyongyang"s complex relations with South Korea, Japan, China and America, and the implications of Kim Jong-un?s increasingly belligerent leadership following the death of his father, Kim Jong-il. As an already unstable North Korea grows ever more unpredictable, antagonizing enemies and allies alike, North Korea: State of Paranoia delivers a provocative and frightening account of a potentially explosive nuclear tripwire. Nazwa - North Korea State of Paranoia Autor - Paul French Oprawa - Miękka Wydawca - Zed Books Kod ISBN - 9781783605736 Kod EAN - 9781783605736 Rok wydania - 2015 Język - angielski Format - 13.0x20.0cm Ilość stron - 468 Podatek VAT - 5%
Sklep: InBook.pl
Goliath Simon & Schuster
Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna
A startling look at how concentrated financial power and consumerism transformed American politics, resulting in the emergence of populism and authoritarianism, the fall of the Democratic Party-while also providing the steps needed to create a new democracy.Americans once had a coherent and clear understanding of political tyranny, one crafted by Thomas Jefferson and updated for the industrial age by Louis Brandeis. A concentration of power, whether in the hands of a military dictator or a JP Morgan, was understood as autocratic and dangerous to individual liberty and democracy. This idea stretched back to the country's founding. In the 1930s, people observed that the Great Depression was caused by financial concentration in the hands of a few whose misuse of their power induced a financial collapse. They drew on this tradition to craft the New Deal.In Goliath, Matt Stoller explains how authoritarianism and populism have returned to American politics for the first time in eighty years, as the outcome of the 2016 election shook our faith in democratic institutions. It has brought to the fore dangerous forces that many modern Americans never even knew existed. Today's bitter recriminations and panic represent more than just fear of the future, they reflect a basic confusion about what is happening and the historical backstory that brought us to this moment.The true effects of populism, a shrinking middle class, and concentrated financial wealth are only just beginning to manifest themselves under the current administrations. The lessons of Stoller's study will only grow more relevant as time passes. Building upon his viral article in The Atlantic, "How the Democrats Killed Their Populist Soul," Stoller illustrates in rich detail how we arrived at this tenuous moment, and the steps we must take to create a new democracy.
Sklep: Libristo.pl
Si vis pacem, para bellum Verlag D.Oesterreichische
Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna
It was not after 1848 but actually before this revolutionary year that Europe witnessed the abusive proceedings perpetrated by the great powers which undermined the functionality of the post-Napoleonic international order. Even worse, their abuse of power in European and overseas affairs provoked a feeling of mistrust, pessimism and fear and led to discussions about the disappearing justice from the world among a considerable number of Europeans.By the 1840s, under the influence of various crises and conflicts members of the educated middle and upper middle classes in particular changed the way they judged and approached issues of international politics, justice, security and nation building. This process was all the more important in Italy since the search for greater security against external threats became the driving force in the spread of the idea to unite her politically from the Alps to Sicily.This unity, along with well defensible frontiers, a strong army and navy and good material resources including colonial ones, was to ensure a more secure position within the system of European politics and thereby better prospects for a peaceful future according to the phrase Si vis pacem, para bellum. However, this power-oriented response to insecurity had devastating consequences for the generally shared desire to live in peace with other nations, represented by another aspiration deeply rooted in the national movement: to establish a better international order. To reveal this important process of pan-European dimension is the principal aim of this book, and the Italian arena of politics in 1830-1848 has been chosen to clarify this sea change in political behaviour.
Sklep: Libristo.pl
Nuclear Program of Iran Grin Publishing
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Seminar paper from the year 2011 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: Peace and Conflict Studies, Security, grade: 2,0, University of the Federal Armed Forces München (Institut für Politikwissenschaft), course: U.S. Nonproliferation and Counterproliferation Policy, language: English, abstract: Since the uprising in North Africa and the Middle East and the horrific tsunami in Japan the nuclear program of Iran moved into the background of international politics. But the issue is still newsworthy. For many years Iran is in a negative focus of Western governments and media. The reason for this is the speculation about the secret development of a nuclear bomb by Iran in coherence with its nuclear program. There has been some evidence that Tehran strives for becoming a nuclear power. In 2002 the uranium enrichment plant in Natanz and the heavy-water reactor in Arak were detected. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) started their investigations, but could not find any sign for a military nuclear program, although they talk about a policy of deception by Iran. They stated therefore simply: Iran has failed to meet its obligations under its Safeguard Agreements with respect to the reporting of nuclear material, the subsequent processing and use of that material and the declaration of facilities where the material was stored and processed".§This event called up distrust by the West. The Western states, mainly the United States, Great Britain, France and Germany still accuse Iran to keep some parts of the nuclear program secret, while officials of the Iranian government try to assure the intention for a peaceful use of nuclear energy. One of the main problems is that a military nuclear program is hard to differ from a peaceful one. The difference between a peaceful nuclear program and a military nuclear program, with a nuclear bomb in its result, is only approximately 5 percent in the final-stage of the development. When Iran would have been built up the full nuclear cycle for a peaceful use of nuclear energy the country would have the possibility to develop nuclear weapons in a short time.§This leads necessarily to the question which of these positions is the right one. Does Iran really like to develop the nuclear bomb or is the fear of the West disproportionate? If Iran tries to use atoms for peace there should be no problem, but the last years where characterized by secretiveness from the Iranian side towards the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and a lurching in the bargaining position during the negotiations with the United States and the EU-3 (Great Britain, France and Germany). To the Western civilization this seems as an indication for a secret military nuclear program...
Sklep: Libristo.pl
World At Risk Polity Press
Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna
Twenty years ago Ulrich Beck published Risk Society , a book that called our attention to the dangers of environmental catastrophes and changed the way we think about contemporary societies. During the last two decades, the dangers highlighted by Beck have taken on new forms and assumed ever greater significance. Terrorism has shifted to a global arena, financial crises have produced worldwide consequences that are difficult to control and politicians have been forced to accept that climate change is not idle speculation. In short, we have come to see that today we live in a world at risk. A new feature of our world risk society is that risk is produced for political gain. This political use of risk means that fear creeps into modern life. A need for security encroaches on our liberty and our view of equality. However, Beck is anything but an alarmist and believes that the anticipation of catastrophe can fundamentally change global politics. We have the opportunity today to reconfigure power in terms of what Beck calls a 'cosmopolitan material politics'.World at Risk is a timely and far-reaching analysis of the structural dynamics of the modern world, the global nature of risk and the future of global politics by one of the most original and exciting social thinkers writing today.
Sklep: Libristo.pl
Nineteen Eighty-Four Wordsworth Editions
Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna
The Thought Police, Doublethink, Newspeak, Big Brother - 1984 itself: these terms and concepts have moved from the world of fiction into our everyday lives. They are central to our thinking about freedom and its suppression; yet they were newly created by George Orwell in 1949 as he conjured his dystopian vision of a world where totalitarian power is absolute.In this novel, continuously popular since its first publication, readers can explore the dark and extraordinary world he brought so fully to life. The principal characters who lead us through that world are ordinary human beings like ourselves: Winston Smith and Julia, whose falling in love is also an act of rebellion against the Party. Opposing them are the massed powers of the state, which watches its citizens on all sides through technology now only too familiar to us. No-one is free from surveillance; the past is constantly altered, so that there is no truth except the most recent version; and Big Brother, both loved and feared, controls all. Even the simple act of keeping a diary - as Winston does - is punishable by death. In Winston's battle to keep his freedom of thought, he has a powerful adversary in O'Brien, who uses fear and pain to enter his very thought processes. Does 2+2 = 4? Or is it 5? We find out in Room 101. Nineteen Eighty-Four was Orwell's last novel; but the world he created is always with us, as successive generations of readers find within it a mirror for their own times and a warning for the future. Our edition also includes the following selection of Orwell's essays, column extracts and broadcasts: A Hanging; Spilling the Spanish Beans; Reviews of Jack London, The Iron Heel; H. G. Wells, When the Sleeper Awakes; Aldous Huxley, Brave New World; Ernest Bramah, The Secret of the League ; England Your England; Looking Back on the Spanish War; Arthur Koestler; The Prevention of Literature; Politics and the English Language; Why I Write; Politics Vs Literature; Sir Walter Raleigh; The Three Super-States of the Future; Persecution of Writers in USSR; Literature and Totalitarianism; Imaginary Interview: George Orwell and Jonathan Swift
Sklep: Libristo.pl
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