krainaksiazek election is just not fair 20167172
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Książki Obcojęzyczne>Angielskie>Humanities>Religion & beliefs>Christianity
For Many People, The Doctrine Of Election Is One That Just Does Not Make Sense, For It Appears To Contradict The Teachings That God Is Love And No Respecter Of Persons. It Is Even Seen As A Doctrine Which Shuts Many People Out Of Heaven Who Desired Entry.
Just Elections University of Chicago Press
Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna
The 2000 election showed that the mechanies of voting, such as ballot design, can make a critical difference in the accuracy and fairness of our elections. But as Dennis F. Thompson persuasively shows, more fundamental issues must be addressed to ensure that our electoral system is fair. Just Elections argues that three central democratic principles - equal respect, free choice, and popular sovereignty - underlie our electoral institutions and should inform any assessment of the justice of elections. To create a fair electoral system, we must deliberate together about these principles and take greater control of the procedures that govern our elections.
Assignment Selous Scouts Galago Publishing Pty Ltd
Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna
Assignment Selous Scouts illuminates the day-to-day horrors of the bloody and brutal terror war that was fought in the former Rhodesia against Marxists guerrillas. ZANLA targeted white civilians, particularly farmers, to drive them from the land as well as tribal blacks to bring them onside using a strategy of murder, torture, rape, arson and other horrible acts of terror. They laid landmines indiscriminately on public roads. By the war's end there had been 21782 recorded terrorist incidents in the country (7996 in Hurricane, 5398 in Thrasher, 5676 in Repulse and 2712 in Grapple and Tangent between them). There were 1276 landmine detonations that caused 7283 casualties. Although involved in the conflict earlier while a regular policeman, the author stepped back into the Rhodesian Bush War in mid 1977 when as a farmer and a Police A Reservist he was appointed as a Special Branch liaison officer with the Selous Scouts at their Chiredzi Fort in the Lowveld. Much of what he has written in this book has come from his personal knowledge and experience. What Jim Parker didn't know then was that on 20 July 1977 the Security Force chiefs at Combined Operations had told Prime Minister Ian Smith that the war couldn't be won 'by purely military means' and that it was vital he arrived at an early political settlement before the point of no return was reached. The advice wasn't taken, the point of no return was reached, and the no-win-war dragged on for another 2 half years at the cost of countless lives. It had become apparent early in the war that the Security Forces couldn't make contact with the guerrillas using conventional counter-insurgency methods, because the enemy's tactic was to merge with and hide among the local tribal population. This had resulted in the formation of the Selous Scouts Regiment with the role of infiltrating pseudo guerrillas into enemy groups and bringing them to contact. The unit comprised two arms - an army unit under Major Ron Reid Daly whose operators were responsible for the pseudo groups operational deployment and Special Branch liaison officers under Superintendent Mac McGuinness, who gathered the intelligence and 'turned' captured guerrillas and got them to fight for the government. Each was a vital component of the whole scheme and neither could have successfully operated without the other. By the war's end it was estimated that the Selous Scouts had accounted for 68% of all guerrillas killed or captured during the war. This is a story of pseudo warfare - the outwitting of an enemy by means that reminds one of the Trojan Horse - and of major armed column raids into surrounding black-ruled states. It is also tells the full unvarnished story for the first time of how the increasingly desperate Rhodesians faced with the impossible task of defending their 1000 plus kilometre long eastern border with Mozambique looked around in desperation for a force multiplier to combat guerrilla infiltrations. Cholera was introduced into the Gaza Province of Mozambique in the hope of debilitating infiltrating guerrillas. It worked, but it also infected the local population and later spread into Rhodesia. Anthrax was introduced to kill cattle to reduce the food supply available. That also worked but it boomeranged back into Rhodesia and caused a large number of deaths in the tribal areas. Seizing the opportunity Special Branch and the Selous Scouts infiltrated ZANLA's logistical supply chains with canned food, medicines and other supplies contaminated with poisons. Clothing was impregnated with toxins that invaded the body through hair follicles. Thousands of guerrillas died. In late 1979 all parties to the conflict - Bishop Muzorewa and the by then Zimbabwe-Rhodesia government - under the watchful eye of Ian Smith and his colleagues - Joshua Nkomo and his ZAPU-PF and Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF were elbowed to the negotiating table at Lancaster House in London by the British, where it was eventually agreed that fully inclusive free and fair elections would take place in April 1980 under the supervision of a British governor. The security chiefs regarded Mugabe as a terrorist and were determined he wouldn't live to see the elections. A CIO bomb plot to kill him in London during the Lancaster House talks reached trigger stage, but it was called off. It was then planned to detonate a car bomb at Maputo Airport on 27 January 1980 just before he caught a plane to Salisbury. Fortuitously for him he used a different airport entrance and survived. A back-up plan to kill him with command-detonated landmines buried in the road after he left Salisbury Airport had already been cancelled. At least another eight attempts on Mugabe's life either failed or were aborted. During the election run-up two things were apparent. Robert Mugabe had no intention of playing by the rules and he ordered his hard-core guerrillas to remain outside the assembly points to brutally intimidate the black populace into voting for ZANU-PF. Comops expressed confidence that a coalition of Nkomo, Muzorewa and smaller parties would win. But Comops had its own secret agenda. With the connivance of South Africa and the tacit approval of British MI6 - who had been fighting the Cold War since 1946 and had no liking for Marxists like Mugabe - they intended to manipulate the election by 'stuffing' the ballot boxes.
Lord Goodman Metro Books,London
Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna
For just over a decade, from 1963 to the mid 1970s, Arnold Goodman was the most powerful non-elected figure in Britain. His power was based on access to the top political and social figures in the age of Harold Wilson and Edward Heath. He first made an impact defending Nye Bevan, Richard Crossman and Morgan Philips in the famous "Spectator" libel case, when the magazine accused the three men of drunkenness at a Socialist conference in Venice. Harold Wilson made him his lawyer when he won the 1964 election and for the next six years Goodman had the PM's ear. Goodman was a central figure of the age, feared by a generation of journalists. He was skilled at extracting the most fulsome apologies in libel cases and even more skilled in stopping unwelcome stories before they appeared - Robert Boothby and Jeremy Thorpe being just two of his clients. He also chaired the Arts Council, brokered for the "Observer" and performed several other notable services. "I am a taxi for hire," he once famously observed. Brivati's biography reveals he was often very much more than that, and in revealing Goodman's secret life he unveils the face of power in late 20th century Britain. Brian Brivati's study is fair-minded and often sympathetic, even though many of the "Friends of Arnold" have tried to stop this biography from appearing. He tracks Goodman's many acts of kindness and personal patronage, and his genuine and pervasive sense of humour. But also included is a full account of Goodman's financial dealings with the Portman family funds, and of his acting as "middleman" when Mohammed Fayed paid for Norman Tebbit, then Secretary of State for Industry, and the man responsible for allowing Fayed to buy Harrods, to have a new car for his wife. Both these last stories were headline news in 1999, a sign of the enduring fascination that exists for one of the most extraordinary figures Britain has produced in the last half of the twentieth century.
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