krainaksiazek revolution and other essays 20040660

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Revolution and Other Essays (1909). by: Jack London: Although Best Known for His Adult Fiction, Jack London Wrote in Almost Every Corner Available fro - 2851247011

37,86 zł

Revolution and Other Essays (1909). by: Jack London: Although Best Known for His Adult Fiction, Jack London Wrote in Almost Every Corner Available fro

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Revolution and Other Essays by Jack London: Publication Date: 1909 - 2851457420

34,59 zł

Revolution and Other Essays by Jack London: Publication Date: 1909

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Revolution and Other Essays Jack London: Large Print Edition - Publication Date: 1909 - 2851456905

75,04 zł

Revolution and Other Essays Jack London: Large Print Edition - Publication Date: 1909

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Revolution and Other Essays - 2851282247

74,08 zł

Revolution and Other Essays

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Revolution and Other Essays - Large Print - 2853696555

44,70 zł

Revolution and Other Essays - Large Print

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The Counter-Revolution in Diplomacy and Other Essays - 2851829584

407,88 zł

The Counter-Revolution in Diplomacy and Other Essays

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Revolution and Other Essays - 2851816085

38,63 zł

Revolution and Other Essays

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Revolution, and Other Essays (Annotated) - 2851776309

28,07 zł

Revolution, and Other Essays (Annotated)

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Revolution And Other Essays (Classic Reprint) - 2852905694

94,99 zł

Revolution And Other Essays (Classic Reprint)

Książki Obcojęzyczne>Angielskie>Health & personal development>Self-help & personal development>Popular psychology>Assertiveness, motiva...

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Letters from Prison and Other Essays - 2826902996

154,54 zł

Letters from Prison and Other Essays University of California Press

Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna

The author sits in a jail belonging to the totalitarian regime, yet his first concern. In this book, his essays are a guide to the origins of the revolution, and, more particularly, to its innovative practices.

Sklep: Libristo.pl

Unsigned Essays of Supreme Court Justice Joseph Story - 2834143957

241,33 zł

Unsigned Essays of Supreme Court Justice Joseph Story Lawbook Exchange, Ltd.

Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna

xxx, 387 pp. Written anonymously for the Encyclopedia Americana and now gathered in one volume, this work presents eighteen articles about major legal subjects by Joseph Story, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States and the first Dane professor of law at Harvard Law School. The articles are virtually unknown today because they were unsigned and never republished in any other form. Ranging from "Law, Legislation and Codes," "Common Law" and "Congress of the United States," to "Law of Nations," "Natural Law" and "Prize," these extended essays are fascinating distillations of Story's jurisprudence. The Encyclopedia Americana was edited by Story's friend Francis Lieber [1798-1872], who wrote the "Lieber Code" and was a distinguished professor at Columbia Law School who helped establish the field of political science in the United States. The book includes an introduction by Morris L. Cohen that describes the genesis of Story''s involvement in writing the pieces and some of their main ideas. The appendix offers texts of rare related materials. With an index. "After the American Revolution, the United States caught fire as a commercial republic. But adaptation of the common law to the needs of a trading nation required a broad erudition and a long view of America's role in the world. That combination was supplied by Supreme Court Justice Joseph Story, who was the faithful partner of Chief Justice Marshall and a New Englander who understood America's commercial future. Now - in a literary event that should excite every lawyer - these extraordinary essays, published anonymously in the serial volumes of the 19th century Encyclopedia Americana, are again available. The detective work of historian Valerie Horowitz in identifying the essays and the preface by Yale's celebrated law librarian the late Morris Cohen goes to show that antebellum legal history is still rich soil. Talbot Publishing has done a signal service in ensuring continued attention to Justice Story's foundational essays - which were the precursor to the modern law reform work of the American Law Institute and the Conference of Uniform State Law Commissioners."--RUTH WEDGWOOD, Edward Burling Professor of International Law, Johns Hopkins University "In this handsome volume, we have for the first time a reader-friendly edition of Joseph Story's little-known essays on American law published anonymously in Francis Lieber's Encyclopedia Americana. With the late Morris L. Cohen's learned introduction to guide us, we can detect, even more clearly than in his judicial opinions, the intellectual foundations of Story's jurisprudence. Written in plain English for laymen and professionals alike, the essays attest to Story's almost religious belief that only scientific law could save the republic from impending chaos."-- R. KENT NEWMYER, University of Connecticut School of Law, author of Supreme Court Justice Joseph Story: Statesman of the Old Republic (1985)

Sklep: Libristo.pl

Essays on Kant's Political Philosophy - 2853799334

328,29 zł

Essays on Kant's Political Philosophy University of Chicago Press

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As a political philosopher, Kant has until recently been overshadowed by his compatriots Hegel and Marx. With his strong defense of the rights of the person and his deep insight into the strengths and weaknesses of modern society Kant, possibly more than any other political thinker, anticipated the problems of the late twentieth century. Kant's political philosophy, wedded as it is to rights, reform and gradual progress, is emerging from the shadows cast by Hegelian and Marxist thinking about the state. In this volume, thirteen distinguished contributors from the United States, Canada, Britain, and Germany cast light on important aspects of Kant's liberal thinking. Key topics covered include Kant's liberal reformism, his relation with Hegel, his attitude to women, the use of reason, revolution, Kant's optimism and his moral and legal rigorism. Howard Williams is a reader in political theory in the Department of International Politics, University College of Wales, Aberystwyth. His previous publications include "Kant's Political Philosophy," "Concepts of Ideology," and "Hegel, Heraclitus, and Marx's Dialectic."

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Ideas and Integrities - 2826778888

99,98 zł

Ideas and Integrities Prestel

Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna

R. Buckminster Fuller (1895a "1983) was an architect, engineer, geometrician, cartographer, philosopher, futurist, inventor of the famous geodesic dome, and one of the most brilliant thinkers of his time. For more than five decades, he set forth his comprehensive perspective on the world's problems in numerous essays, which offer an illuminating insight into the intellectual universe of this "renaissance man." These texts remain surprisingly topical even today, decades after their initial publication. While Fuller wrote the works in the 1960's and 1970's, they could not be more timely: like desperately needed time-capsules of wisdom for the critical moment he foresaw, and in which we find ourselves. Long out of print, they are now being published again, together with commentary by Jaime Snyder, the grandson of Buckminster Fuller. Designed for a new generation of readers, Snyder prepared these editions with supplementary material providing background on the texts, factual updates, and interpretation of his visionary ideas. A biography of Buckminster Fuller's "thought development," Ideas and Integrities presents an intimate self-portrait of the experiences and discoveries behind his groundbreaking ideas and inventions. Through in-depth essays like "Total Thinking," "Design for Survival a " Plus," and "The Comprehensive Man," spanning the period from his earliest writings to the invention of the geodesic dome and his explosion onto the world stage, he delivers a powerful manifesto for the comprehensive design revolution he had championed: "To make man a success on earth.... we must design our way to positive effectiveness." Buckminster Fuller's prophetic 1962 book Education Automation brilliantly anticipated the need to rethink learning in light of a dawning revolution in informational technology a " "upcoming major world industry." Along with other essays on education, including "Breaking the Shell of Permitted Ignorance," "Children: the True Scientists" and "Mistake Mystique," this volume presents a powerful approach for preparing ourselves to face epochal changes on spaceship earth: "whether we are going to make it or not... is really up to each one of us; it is not something we can delegate to the politicians a " what kind of world are you really going to have?"

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EURO TRASH - 2852496289

95,75 zł

EURO TRASH Merve

Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna

EVEN THOUGH WE'RE ALL INTERNATIONALISTS, FOR NOW THE BOOK WILL ONLY BE AVAILABLE IN GERMAN. With contributions from Damir Arsenijevic, Alain Badiou, Étienne Balibar, Gracie Mae Bradley, Cédric Durand, the European Space Agency (sort of), Sara Farris, Alexandre Kojčve, Maurizio Lazzarato, Sandro Mezzadra, Toni Negri, Thomas Piketty, Beatriz Preciado, Bernard Stiegler, Martin Wolf, Slavoj Zizek. And to top it all off, check out our exclusive "Europe from Detroit" mix that comes courtesy of acid legend Carlos Souffront. No, not another debate on Europe, not just the usual policy proposals, no moralising appeals. We simply want to take stock of our ignorance in order to turn it into something more productive. Call it recycling if you will. The contributions in the volume do not reflect anything like a unity of vision. Often, they agree on very little. But that doesn't mean the texts assembled here do not resonate with one another. Philosophers, economists, journalists and activists comment on past and present manifestations of Europe. Taken together, these essays are exercises in defamiliarisation. Sure, we don't fully understand what is going on. Then again, experts didn't fare too well either, as a quick glance at the pre-2008 forecasts of economists, the analyses of geopolitical pundits or the trajectories of the expert-led transitional governments in Europe's South reveals. That's why we have no desire to wallow in passivity and fatalism. On the contrary, creating a sense of distance between Europe and ourselves will perhaps enable us to relate to it in new ways. Ever since the postwar reconstruction, Europe vacillated between grand political designs and economic expediency. The introduction of the Euro in 2002 and the ongoing crisis of 2008 have accelerated a shift in the balance of power. Nation-states lost some of their prerogatives and now have to accommodate the demands of unelected supranational entities in charge of implementing the precepts of economic rationality. A sense of powerlessness has become widespread. It has given a new lease of life to nationalism and xenophobia across Europe. Young people in particular wonder what could possibly be the point of having democracy conform to markets if capitalism cannot even make good on its one spellbinding historical promise: to enable wealth creation for the masses through individual effort and hard work? As is stands in 2014, giving up democratic principles in order to purify the operations of the markets seems like the surest way to the worst of both worlds: a technocratic caesarism. Economists tentatively hail Greece's return to the capital markets, they rejoice at the first signs of positive growth rates and welcome, give or take some accounting tricks, the sound budgets in member-states that are testament to the efficacy of the austerity measures. Meanwhile, unemployment in many parts of the EU remains stubbornly high. And let's not even talk about wage levels. Far from marking the end of history and the triumph of liberal market societies, 1989 could have turned out to be a Pyrrhic victory for capitalism, a possibility for which even François Furet allowed in his very last essays. Before its long overdue collapse, 'real existing socialism' - imperialist, authoritarian, unjust, inefficient, and downright depressing as it was - nonetheless inspired a fear among the governments of the so-called Western world that tamed capitalism in ways not seen before or after. Did bureaucratic state capitalism in the East protect the liberal capitalism of the West from what it wanted? Even when the latter seemed to be on excellent form after 1989, it often turned out to be pumped up on a diet of monetary steroids: soaring private and company debt sustained the boom times. Capitalism's hold over the planet is neither uniform nor exclusively imposed by force. It emerged out of a contingent history of the "universalisation of a tendency", as Deleuze and Guattari put it. However, a European left that has yet to come to terms with the full extent of its political insignificance seeks solace in the idea of an economic matrix that structures every fold of the social fabric: it is plausible, inescapable and terrifyingly good at harnessing even the forces of resistance to its own purposes. While the therapeutic aspect of this sort of thinking cannot be dismissed, its analytical virtues are more questionable. Still, as we survey the political landscape in 2014, no serious - and politically desirable - alternative exists. And yet liberal market societies struggle with ever more intense degrees of disaffection among their supposedly blessed populations. We observe the striking comeback of inequalities of wealth reminiscent of the Belle Époque. If current trends continue we could soon live in societies so unequal one would have to go back to the pre-industrial age to find anything comparable. This is certainly not a process of differentiation that is synonymous with modernity, as some commentators, grotesquely misinterpreting Luhmann, would have us believe. To reduce the potential of social differentiation to the acceptance of economic disparities betrays a poverty of thought that speaks volumes about the state of mind of a "brute bourgeoisie", itself a symptom of a deeply dysfunctional society. In Merkel-land, it found a new party-political home in the "Alternative for Germany". But opposition to the Euro also gains currency on the left. This is unsurprising given the intransigence of monetary hawks in the central banks and the institutional set-up of the Eurozone. Another Euro was possible, one that would have attempted to pave the way for an optimal currency area, rather than simply presupposing its existence.This would have required large-scale investments and significant redistributive efforts to harmonise - and raise - living standards in all of Europe. We need to unearth these counter-histories of the single European currency. As long as genuine political and social union is but a distant possibility, the imperative of price stability and the impossibility for individual Euro states to devalue their currency reduces the available range of political responses to economic distress to just one: the downward adjustment not just of economies but of entire welfare systems in order to restore competitiveness. However, there is no economic automatism here. These are deeply political decisions. As so often, economic liberalism knows very well when to portray itself as the arch-foe of oppressive states and undemocratic post-national institutions - and when to enlist their help in order to get its doctrinal way. Some conclude from this state of affairs that, provided it can be made politically productive, a break with the Euro regime should no longer be considered a taboo. Others are wary of reductive explanations that, for the sake of conceptual and political convenience, denounce the Eurozone as a monolithic neoliberal bloc. We stand to benefit a great deal from learning how to spot and exploit political divisions. Even inside the European Commission, there is room for forms of militant bureaucracy that deftly maneuver the legal labyrinthe (ranging from the 1953 European Convention on Social and Medical Assistance to the measures towards greater coordination of social security systems passed in 2004). Recent attempts to bully Merkel's government into potentially widening access to welfare payments for European citizens living in Germany lent credence to this claim. One day, these regulatory squabbles might bring us a minuscule step closer to a Europe-wide unconditional basic income. Let the robots do the crap jobs. Given the jingoistic mood of most electorates, even many leftist parties are taking leave from demands for postnational social rights that are legally enforceable. They fear such a move would be tantamount to political suicide. Nonetheless, the track record of European institutions and the general tendency of intergovernmental decisions taken during the last two decades or so suggest that it would be insane to rely on emancipatory political action from above. Yet the question of exactly how to reclaim Europe as a battleground from below is close to intractable. What effective form could a dialectic between "institutional and insurrectional" politics take? New forms of entryism might play a role, as those who support Alexis Tsipras' candidacy for the presidency of the European Commission argue. Mass pressure from the street would open a second flank. But even though they have been theorised for many years, European social movements worthy of their name continue to be conspicuous by their absence. Or should we push for individual states to give up their sovereignty and merge with their neighbour, thus creating political forms that mark an intermediate stage between the nation-state and and a European polity? It all sounds rather far-fetched. Interestingly, the recent protests in Bosnia oppose not just corrupt local elites, but also the institutions of the international community that purports to have pacified the remnants of former Yugoslavia. The revolution in the Ukraine that has courageously overthrown a deeply corrupt regime, on the other hand, did appeal to a EU that embodied hopes for a better political and economic life even as parts of the crowd openly displayed their neo-Nazi sympathies. We need to address the underlying identity issues haunting this continent as a whole and the individuals that inhabit it. It is impossible to overlook the signs of libidinal exhaustion. Europe has a problem with desire. The economic, political and social systems no longer produce pleasure. We're all tired but we haven't done nearly enough to explore and invent new lives. The family rushes in to fill this void. We grew accustomed too quickly to the omnipresence of "family-friendly" policies, by now a staple of European political language. We could have known better. In Anti-Oedipus, Deleuze and Guattari had warned us. As capitalism marches onward, all existing social relations will cede to its pull. But that's not the same as simple disappearance. Quite the opposite. The family was first emptied of all historical functions, only to be reinvented as a bulwark against some of the more troubling and pathological aspects of contemporary capitalism. It offers respite from the constant flexibility that is expected of us, it helps pool resources as welfare states are being dismantled, it pays lip service to feminist struggles by singing the praise of the care work done by stay-at-home mums. In France, reactionaries are marching through the streets in their thousands. Their opposition to same-sex marriage forms part of a wider struggle to combat the rampant "family-phobia" in today's societies. We want none of it. The hypocrisy is plain for everyone to see. There is significant overlap between the defenders of good old family values and the milieus in which shameless hostility to migrants has once again become acceptable. But some migrants are better than others. The latest version of the mother-father-family relies on cheap non-unionised female labour, the army of nannies recruited from abroad. These are some of the migrants that made it to Europe. Many others don't even get that far. The activities of Frontex seem blissfully oblivious to the very colonial past they incessantly conjure up. The same fervour that was at work in the historical project of European expansionism is now observable in the systematic efforts to stop migrants - to ensure successful "border management", as official parlance has it. Europeans used to invade foreign lands to enrich themselves, now they keep others out to protect their privileges. Images of drowned, starved or deported refugees don't prevent European politicians for a second from invoking 'our' grand cultural tradition, preferably while lecturing other parts of the world on the West's civilisational achievements: philosophy, human rights, dignity, you name it. Perhaps the treatment to which migrants are subjected has something to do with Europe's historical self-understanding after all. These corpses float in the same Mediterranean sailed by cunning Ulysses. They're dying to reach the shore they might have otherwise called home. This much is clear to us: as long as other people are treated like garbage in our name, we betray the potential of EURO TRASH. The costly insistence on rigid borders is not just a European problem. It's a cosmic one. Space is a place where quaint attempts to divide it up according to the time-worn logic of sovereignty must fail. As Donald Kessler has pointed out as early as 1978, the debris piling up in the orbit, if unchecked, will reach a point where space travel becomes too dangerous. And little does it matter whether the out-there is littered by NASA or ESA. We might be stuck on this planet at the precise moment when we'd be well advised to leave it behind. Borders have a funny way of shutting in the people they claim to protect. There were concerns about a possible lack of German voices in this collection but acid legend Carlos Souffront came to our rescue and his exclusive "Europe from Detroit" mix dispels them in the most unexpected, poignant and concise way possible. Kraftwerk's 1977 "Trans-Europe-Express" imagined the continent as a haven of post-historical nostalgia. We asked Carlos to reimagine Europe as a province of Detroit in order to invert the usual perspective. Often, the Motor City is an object of European musical desire, filled to the brim with projections even, and especially if there is post-industrial desolation to be admired. Let's try it the other way around. The mix expertly strides between delicacy and a sense of impending dread that culminates in a brief sequence where German history unmistakably rears its ugly head. But there is life beyond that, there has to be. This is not a mind trip, this is a body journey. WE'RE THE EDITORS, WE'RE SVENJA BROMBERG, BIRTHE MÜHLHOFF, AND DANILO SCHOLZ.

Sklep: Libristo.pl

Criminal Evidence and Human Rights - 2826734610

423,22 zł

Criminal Evidence and Human Rights Hart Publishing

Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna

Criminal procedure in the common law world is being recast in the image of human rights. The cumulative impact of human rights laws, both international and domestic, presages a revolution in common law procedural traditions. Comprising 16 essays plus the editors' thematic introduction, this volume explores various aspects of the 'human rights revolution' in criminal evidence and procedure in Australia, Canada, England and Wales, Hong Kong, Malaysia, New Zealand, Northern Ireland, the Republic of Ireland, Singapore, Scotland, South Africa and the USA. The contributors provide expert evaluations of their own domestic law and practice with frequent reference to comparative experiences in other jurisdictions. Some essays focus on specific topics, such as evidence obtained by torture, the presumption of innocence, hearsay, the privilege against self-incrimination, and 'rape shield' laws. Others seek to draw more general lessons about the context of law reform, the epistemic demands of the right to a fair trial, the domestic impact of supra-national legal standards (especially the ECHR), and the scope for reimagining common law procedures through the medium of human rights. This edited collection showcases the latest theoretically informed, methodologically astute and doctrinally rigorous scholarship in criminal procedure and evidence, human rights and comparative law, and will be a major addition to the literature in all of these fields.

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