krainaksiazek the economic security of the state and the banking union 20097251
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Książki ogólne / prawo
Współczesny kryzys imigracyjny jest rezultatem globalnej nierównowagi gospodarczej między bogatszymi narodami zachodu a biedniejszymi z południa i wschodu. Jest również wynikiem kryzysu w globalnej polityce, degradacji środowiska naturalnego i konfliktów zbrojnych na świecie. W latach 2015 i 2016 większość imigrantów uciekło ze strachu przed wojną w Syrii, Iraku czy Afganistanie.https://polishbookstore.pl/adminZ drugiej strony, rozwój technologii i szybkość, z jaką ludzie przemieszczają się z jednego miejsca do drugiego doprowadziły do sytuacji, w której cudzoziemcy mogą stać się uczestnikami życia zbiorowego w każdym państwie. Problem cudzoziemców jest obecnie trwałym elementem toczących się procesów narodowych i stosunków gospodarczych, administracyjnych, kulturalnych, społecznych, moralnych, itp. Dlatego przepisy prawne powinny być tworzone dla obszarów dotyczących cudzoziemców, które wpływają na ich sytuację w różnych dziedzinach życia.Niniejsza monografia stara się przedstawić pewne wnioski, które można wyciągnąć z badań stanowisk różnych ośrodków naukowych na zjawisko migracji i polityki europejskiej w tej dziedzinie.Jürgen Habermas has said that the contemporary refugee crisis is the resuit of the global economic imbalance between the richer nations of the West and the poorer ones of the South and East. The contemporary refugee crisis is also a crisis of the global politics and of degradation of natural environment and armed conflicts in the world. In the year 2015 and 2016, the majority of immigrants were people who fled from the terror of war in Syria, Iraq or Afghanistan.On the other hand, the development of technology and the rate with which people move from one place to another has led to a situation in which foreigners have become participants of collective life in each state. The problem of foreigners is now a permanent part of the ongoing national processes and economic, administrative, cultural, social, moral, etc. relations. That is why legal regulations should be created for issues concerning foreigners that would govern their situation in different areas of life.This book shows some conclusions that may be drawn from the study of the positions different counties on the phenomenon of migration and the European policy in this area. Table of contents Part One Positions of Selected States and European Union on the Problem of RefugeesRobert Kozyrski, Immigrants, Refugees or Invaders in Europe? Historical and Religious Context Marcin Pączek, The Common EU List of Safe Countries of Origin as a Way of Enhancing the European Asylum Policy
EU migration policy and the internal security of the member states [Edyta Krzysztofik, Ewa Toura-Schwierskott] deiure
Książki - dział ogólny > Prawo
Współczesny kryzys imigracyjny jest rezultatem globalnej nierównowagi gospodarczej między bogatszymi narodami zachodu a biedniejszymi z południa i wschodu. Jest również wynikiem kryzysu w globalnej polityce, degradacji środowiska naturalnego i konfliktów zbrojnych na świecie. W latach 2015 i 2016 większość imigrantów uciekło ze strachu przed wojną w Syrii, Iraku czy Afganistanie. https://polishbookstore.pl/admin Z drugiej strony, rozwój technologii i szybkość, z jaką ludzie przemieszczają się z jednego miejsca do drugiego doprowadziły do sytuacji, w której cudzoziemcy mogą stać się uczestnikami życia zbiorowego w każdym państwie. Problem cudzoziemców jest obecnie trwałym elementem toczących się procesów narodowych i stosunków gospodarczych, administracyjnych, kulturalnych, społecznych, moralnych, itp. Dlatego przepisy prawne powinny być tworzone dla obszarów dotyczących cudzoziemców, które wpływają na ich sytuację w różnych dziedzinach życia. Niniejsza monografia stara się przedstawić pewne wnioski, które można wyciągnąć z badań stanowisk różnych ośrodków naukowych na zjawisko migracji i polityki europejskiej w tej dziedzinie. Jürgen Habermas has said that the contemporary refugee crisis is the resuit of the global economic imbalance between the richer nations of the West and the poorer ones of the South and East. The contemporary refugee crisis is also a crisis of the global politics and of degradation of natural environment and armed conflicts in the world. In the year 2015 and 2016, the majority of immigrants were people who fled from the terror of war in Syria, Iraq or Afghanistan. On the other hand, the development of technology and the rate with which people move from one place to another has led to a situation in which foreigners have become participants of collective life in each state. The problem of foreigners is now a permanent part of the ongoing national processes and economic, administrative, cultural, social, moral, etc. relations. That is why legal regulations should be created for issues concerning foreigners that would govern their situation in different areas of life. This book shows some conclusions that may be drawn from the study of the positions different counties on the phenomenon of migration and the European policy in this area. Table of contents Part One Positions of Selected States and European Union on the Problem of Refugees Robert Kozyrski, Immigrants, Refugees or Invaders in Europe? Historical and Religious Context Marcin Pączek, The Common EU List of Safe Countries of Origin as a Way of Enhancing the European Asylum Policy
Social Market Economy and Monetary Stability Brookings Institution
Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna
Central to the postwar successes of the German economy has been the insistence on a free market system. Such a system performs the vital social function of generating competition. It assigns an important, but limited, role to the state. And stable money is an inseparable component of this system. A social market economy and monetary stability have been the bedrock concepts of German economic thinking. Hans Tietmeyer is uniquely qualified to write about economic and monetary policy. Following an academic background in which his thinking was influenced by Alfred Muller-Armack and Ludwig Erhard, Tietmeyer moved into international economics and banking. Since 1993 he has been president of the Deutsche Bundesbank, where he has played the role of both guardian of the deutsche mark and manager of the transition that is taking the deutsche mark into the European monetary union. In this book, Tietmeyer addresses economic topics such as employment, social security, and economic structural change, as well as the significance of monetary stability. It is a book for everyone interested in the history and future prospects of economic and monetary policy in Germany and Europe. Hans Tietmeyer is the president of the Deutsche Bundesbank. An Economica Book
Roaring Nineties Penguin
His previous book revealed the shocking truth about globalization. Now, Joseph Stiglitz blows the whistle on the devastation wrought by the free market mantra in the nineties
Economy of Iraq Books LLC, Reference Series
Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna
Source: Wikipedia. Pages: 40. Chapters: Agriculture in Iraq, Companies of Iraq, Energy in Iraq, Iraqi billionaires, Iraqi businesspeople, Tourism in Iraq, Trade unions in Iraq, Ahmed Chalabi, Iraq - European Union relations, Iraqi dinar, Charles Saatchi, Baghdad Zoo, Economic reform of Iraq, Draining of the Mesopotamian Marshes, David and Simon Reuben, Maurice Saatchi, Baron Saatchi, Calouste Gulbenkian, Iraq oil law, Nadhmi Auchi, Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions, Iraq Stock Exchange, Central Bank of Iraq, Abdul Sattar Abu Risha, Oil reserves in Iraq, Iraqi Swiss dinar, Iraqi International Law Group, Raad Ghantous, Nemir Kirdar, Baghdad Soft Drinks Co, Kirkuk-Banias pipeline, Trade Bank of Iraq, Sam Kubba, Kirkuk-Ceyhan Oil Pipeline, Order 81, Khalid Muhmood, Zee M Kane, Rafidain Bank, The Other Iraq, Karen El Zein, Federation of Oil Unions in Iraq, Shakir al Khafaji, Shield Group Security, Federation of Workers Councils and Unions in Iraq, Bank of Baghdad, Selim Zilkha, ITC Investment & Technology Group, Samuel Hayek, 1960 political clashes in the Iraqi Cigarette Workers Union, General Federation of Trade Unions, Banking in Iraq, Dar Es Salaam Investment Bank, Ghadir Razuki, Iyad Anwar Wali, Iraqi Islamic Bank, Zadik Bino, Real Estate Bank of Iraq, Basrah International Bank for Investment, Agricultural Cooperative Bank of Iraq, Gulf Commercial Bank, International Smart Card LLC, List of companies of Iraq, Hussein Al Uzri, Babylon Bank, Warka Bank, Rasheed Bank, Industrial Bank of Iraq, Iraqi Institute for Economic Reform, Ministry of Oil, Ministry of Industry, Iraq Securities Commission. Excerpt: Iraq's economy is dominated by the petroleum sector, which has traditionally provided about 95% of foreign exchange earnings. In the 1980s, financial problems caused by massive expenditures in the eight-year war with Iran and damage to oil export facilities by Iran led the government to implement austerity measures, borrow heavily, and later reschedule foreign debt payments; Iraq suffered economic losses of at least $80 billion from the war. After the end of hostilities, in 1988, oil exports gradually increased with the construction of new pipelines and restoration of damaged facilities. Since mid-2009, oil export earnings have returned to levels seen before Operation Iraqi Freedom and government revenues have rebounded, along with global oil prices. In 2011 Baghdad probably will increase oil exports above the current level of 1.9 million barrels per day (bbl/day) as a result of new contracts with international oil companies, but is likely to fall short of the 2.4 million bbl/day it is forecasting in its budget. Iraq's recent contracts with major oil companies have the potential to greatly expand oil revenues, but Iraq will need to upgrade its oil processing, pipeline, and export infrastructure to enable these deals to reach their potential. An improved security environment and an initial wave of foreign investment are helping to spur economic activity, particularly in the energy, construction, and retail sectors. Broader economic improvement, long-term fiscal health, and sustained increases in the standard of living still depend on the government passing major policy reforms and on continued development of Iraq's massive oil reserves. Although foreign investors viewed Iraq with increasing interest in 2010, most are still hampered by difficulties in acquiring land for projects and by other regulatory impediments. Inflation has decreased consi...
EURO TRASH Merve
Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna
EVEN THOUGH WE'RE ALL INTERNATIONALISTS, FOR NOW THE BOOK WILL ONLY BE AVAILABLE IN GERMAN. With contributions from Damir Arsenijevic, Alain Badiou, Étienne Balibar, Gracie Mae Bradley, Cédric Durand, the European Space Agency (sort of), Sara Farris, Alexandre Kojčve, Maurizio Lazzarato, Sandro Mezzadra, Toni Negri, Thomas Piketty, Beatriz Preciado, Bernard Stiegler, Martin Wolf, Slavoj Zizek. And to top it all off, check out our exclusive "Europe from Detroit" mix that comes courtesy of acid legend Carlos Souffront. No, not another debate on Europe, not just the usual policy proposals, no moralising appeals. We simply want to take stock of our ignorance in order to turn it into something more productive. Call it recycling if you will. The contributions in the volume do not reflect anything like a unity of vision. Often, they agree on very little. But that doesn't mean the texts assembled here do not resonate with one another. Philosophers, economists, journalists and activists comment on past and present manifestations of Europe. Taken together, these essays are exercises in defamiliarisation. Sure, we don't fully understand what is going on. Then again, experts didn't fare too well either, as a quick glance at the pre-2008 forecasts of economists, the analyses of geopolitical pundits or the trajectories of the expert-led transitional governments in Europe's South reveals. That's why we have no desire to wallow in passivity and fatalism. On the contrary, creating a sense of distance between Europe and ourselves will perhaps enable us to relate to it in new ways. Ever since the postwar reconstruction, Europe vacillated between grand political designs and economic expediency. The introduction of the Euro in 2002 and the ongoing crisis of 2008 have accelerated a shift in the balance of power. Nation-states lost some of their prerogatives and now have to accommodate the demands of unelected supranational entities in charge of implementing the precepts of economic rationality. A sense of powerlessness has become widespread. It has given a new lease of life to nationalism and xenophobia across Europe. Young people in particular wonder what could possibly be the point of having democracy conform to markets if capitalism cannot even make good on its one spellbinding historical promise: to enable wealth creation for the masses through individual effort and hard work? As is stands in 2014, giving up democratic principles in order to purify the operations of the markets seems like the surest way to the worst of both worlds: a technocratic caesarism. Economists tentatively hail Greece's return to the capital markets, they rejoice at the first signs of positive growth rates and welcome, give or take some accounting tricks, the sound budgets in member-states that are testament to the efficacy of the austerity measures. Meanwhile, unemployment in many parts of the EU remains stubbornly high. And let's not even talk about wage levels. Far from marking the end of history and the triumph of liberal market societies, 1989 could have turned out to be a Pyrrhic victory for capitalism, a possibility for which even François Furet allowed in his very last essays. Before its long overdue collapse, 'real existing socialism' - imperialist, authoritarian, unjust, inefficient, and downright depressing as it was - nonetheless inspired a fear among the governments of the so-called Western world that tamed capitalism in ways not seen before or after. Did bureaucratic state capitalism in the East protect the liberal capitalism of the West from what it wanted? Even when the latter seemed to be on excellent form after 1989, it often turned out to be pumped up on a diet of monetary steroids: soaring private and company debt sustained the boom times. Capitalism's hold over the planet is neither uniform nor exclusively imposed by force. It emerged out of a contingent history of the "universalisation of a tendency", as Deleuze and Guattari put it. However, a European left that has yet to come to terms with the full extent of its political insignificance seeks solace in the idea of an economic matrix that structures every fold of the social fabric: it is plausible, inescapable and terrifyingly good at harnessing even the forces of resistance to its own purposes. While the therapeutic aspect of this sort of thinking cannot be dismissed, its analytical virtues are more questionable. Still, as we survey the political landscape in 2014, no serious - and politically desirable - alternative exists. And yet liberal market societies struggle with ever more intense degrees of disaffection among their supposedly blessed populations. We observe the striking comeback of inequalities of wealth reminiscent of the Belle Époque. If current trends continue we could soon live in societies so unequal one would have to go back to the pre-industrial age to find anything comparable. This is certainly not a process of differentiation that is synonymous with modernity, as some commentators, grotesquely misinterpreting Luhmann, would have us believe. To reduce the potential of social differentiation to the acceptance of economic disparities betrays a poverty of thought that speaks volumes about the state of mind of a "brute bourgeoisie", itself a symptom of a deeply dysfunctional society. In Merkel-land, it found a new party-political home in the "Alternative for Germany". But opposition to the Euro also gains currency on the left. This is unsurprising given the intransigence of monetary hawks in the central banks and the institutional set-up of the Eurozone. Another Euro was possible, one that would have attempted to pave the way for an optimal currency area, rather than simply presupposing its existence.This would have required large-scale investments and significant redistributive efforts to harmonise - and raise - living standards in all of Europe. We need to unearth these counter-histories of the single European currency. As long as genuine political and social union is but a distant possibility, the imperative of price stability and the impossibility for individual Euro states to devalue their currency reduces the available range of political responses to economic distress to just one: the downward adjustment not just of economies but of entire welfare systems in order to restore competitiveness. However, there is no economic automatism here. These are deeply political decisions. As so often, economic liberalism knows very well when to portray itself as the arch-foe of oppressive states and undemocratic post-national institutions - and when to enlist their help in order to get its doctrinal way. Some conclude from this state of affairs that, provided it can be made politically productive, a break with the Euro regime should no longer be considered a taboo. Others are wary of reductive explanations that, for the sake of conceptual and political convenience, denounce the Eurozone as a monolithic neoliberal bloc. We stand to benefit a great deal from learning how to spot and exploit political divisions. Even inside the European Commission, there is room for forms of militant bureaucracy that deftly maneuver the legal labyrinthe (ranging from the 1953 European Convention on Social and Medical Assistance to the measures towards greater coordination of social security systems passed in 2004). Recent attempts to bully Merkel's government into potentially widening access to welfare payments for European citizens living in Germany lent credence to this claim. One day, these regulatory squabbles might bring us a minuscule step closer to a Europe-wide unconditional basic income. Let the robots do the crap jobs. Given the jingoistic mood of most electorates, even many leftist parties are taking leave from demands for postnational social rights that are legally enforceable. They fear such a move would be tantamount to political suicide. Nonetheless, the track record of European institutions and the general tendency of intergovernmental decisions taken during the last two decades or so suggest that it would be insane to rely on emancipatory political action from above. Yet the question of exactly how to reclaim Europe as a battleground from below is close to intractable. What effective form could a dialectic between "institutional and insurrectional" politics take? New forms of entryism might play a role, as those who support Alexis Tsipras' candidacy for the presidency of the European Commission argue. Mass pressure from the street would open a second flank. But even though they have been theorised for many years, European social movements worthy of their name continue to be conspicuous by their absence. Or should we push for individual states to give up their sovereignty and merge with their neighbour, thus creating political forms that mark an intermediate stage between the nation-state and and a European polity? It all sounds rather far-fetched. Interestingly, the recent protests in Bosnia oppose not just corrupt local elites, but also the institutions of the international community that purports to have pacified the remnants of former Yugoslavia. The revolution in the Ukraine that has courageously overthrown a deeply corrupt regime, on the other hand, did appeal to a EU that embodied hopes for a better political and economic life even as parts of the crowd openly displayed their neo-Nazi sympathies. We need to address the underlying identity issues haunting this continent as a whole and the individuals that inhabit it. It is impossible to overlook the signs of libidinal exhaustion. Europe has a problem with desire. The economic, political and social systems no longer produce pleasure. We're all tired but we haven't done nearly enough to explore and invent new lives. The family rushes in to fill this void. We grew accustomed too quickly to the omnipresence of "family-friendly" policies, by now a staple of European political language. We could have known better. In Anti-Oedipus, Deleuze and Guattari had warned us. As capitalism marches onward, all existing social relations will cede to its pull. But that's not the same as simple disappearance. Quite the opposite. The family was first emptied of all historical functions, only to be reinvented as a bulwark against some of the more troubling and pathological aspects of contemporary capitalism. It offers respite from the constant flexibility that is expected of us, it helps pool resources as welfare states are being dismantled, it pays lip service to feminist struggles by singing the praise of the care work done by stay-at-home mums. In France, reactionaries are marching through the streets in their thousands. Their opposition to same-sex marriage forms part of a wider struggle to combat the rampant "family-phobia" in today's societies. We want none of it. The hypocrisy is plain for everyone to see. There is significant overlap between the defenders of good old family values and the milieus in which shameless hostility to migrants has once again become acceptable. But some migrants are better than others. The latest version of the mother-father-family relies on cheap non-unionised female labour, the army of nannies recruited from abroad. These are some of the migrants that made it to Europe. Many others don't even get that far. The activities of Frontex seem blissfully oblivious to the very colonial past they incessantly conjure up. The same fervour that was at work in the historical project of European expansionism is now observable in the systematic efforts to stop migrants - to ensure successful "border management", as official parlance has it. Europeans used to invade foreign lands to enrich themselves, now they keep others out to protect their privileges. Images of drowned, starved or deported refugees don't prevent European politicians for a second from invoking 'our' grand cultural tradition, preferably while lecturing other parts of the world on the West's civilisational achievements: philosophy, human rights, dignity, you name it. Perhaps the treatment to which migrants are subjected has something to do with Europe's historical self-understanding after all. These corpses float in the same Mediterranean sailed by cunning Ulysses. They're dying to reach the shore they might have otherwise called home. This much is clear to us: as long as other people are treated like garbage in our name, we betray the potential of EURO TRASH. The costly insistence on rigid borders is not just a European problem. It's a cosmic one. Space is a place where quaint attempts to divide it up according to the time-worn logic of sovereignty must fail. As Donald Kessler has pointed out as early as 1978, the debris piling up in the orbit, if unchecked, will reach a point where space travel becomes too dangerous. And little does it matter whether the out-there is littered by NASA or ESA. We might be stuck on this planet at the precise moment when we'd be well advised to leave it behind. Borders have a funny way of shutting in the people they claim to protect. There were concerns about a possible lack of German voices in this collection but acid legend Carlos Souffront came to our rescue and his exclusive "Europe from Detroit" mix dispels them in the most unexpected, poignant and concise way possible. Kraftwerk's 1977 "Trans-Europe-Express" imagined the continent as a haven of post-historical nostalgia. We asked Carlos to reimagine Europe as a province of Detroit in order to invert the usual perspective. Often, the Motor City is an object of European musical desire, filled to the brim with projections even, and especially if there is post-industrial desolation to be admired. Let's try it the other way around. The mix expertly strides between delicacy and a sense of impending dread that culminates in a brief sequence where German history unmistakably rears its ugly head. But there is life beyond that, there has to be. This is not a mind trip, this is a body journey. WE'RE THE EDITORS, WE'RE SVENJA BROMBERG, BIRTHE MÜHLHOFF, AND DANILO SCHOLZ.
Israeli-Palestinian peace efforts Books LLC, Reference Series
Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna
Source: Wikipedia. Pages: 163. Chapters: Oslo Accords, Proposals for a Palestinian state, United Nations Security Council Resolution 242, Palestinian views on the peace process, Peace Now, Neve Shalom - Wahat as-Salam, Land for peace, Projects working for peace among Arabs and Israelis, Arab Peace Initiative, Israel's unilateral disengagement plan, One-state solution, J Street, Peace process in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Daniel Barenboim, Valley of Peace initiative, 2000 Camp David Summit, Road map for peace, Israeli views on the peace process, International Crisis Group, Mattityahu Peled, Two-state solution, Robert Malley, Lieberman Plan, Madrid Conference of 1991, Taba Summit, Dennis Ross, Strategic Foresight Group, Palestine Papers, Aqabah, United Nations General Assembly Resolution 194, Protocol Concerning the Redeployment in Hebron, Annapolis Conference, The Parents Circle-Families Forum, Wye River Memorandum, Lausanne Conference, 1949, Geneva Accord, Uri Avnery, Élie Barnavi, JCall, Benjamin H. Freedman, United Nations Conciliation Commission, Temporary International Presence in Hebron, Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, The Clinton Parameters, Three-state solution, The Mountain of Israeli-Palestinian Friendship, Medbridge, The Missing Peace, Nurit Peled-Elhanan, 2002 Arab League summit, Elon Peace Plan, Breira, Hand in Hand: Center for Jewish Arab Education in Israel, Hudna, Corpus separatum, Sharm el-Sheikh Summit of 2005, Sharm el-Sheikh Memorandum, Madrid peace conference letter of invitation, Israel - Palestine Liberation Organization letters of recognition, Palestinian Prisoners' Document, Venice Declaration, Alliance for Middle East Peace, Saif Islam Qaddafi Isratin proposal, European Union Border Assistance Mission Rafah, Daniel Levy, Hanna Siniora, David Kimche, Ya'akov Arnon, Peres-Hussein London Agreement, Victim of peace, Tolerance Monument, Realignment plan, Johan Jřrgen Holst, The Rebuilding Alliance, Galil Jewish-Arab School, Herzliya Conference, Trade Unions Linking Israel and Palestine, Yossi Alpher, Mona Juul, United Nations Security Council Resolution 298, Marianne Heiberg, Two Stars for Peace solution, United Nations Security Council Resolution 341, Mejdi, Protocol on Economic Relations, 2006 Franco-Italian-Spanish Middle East Peace Plan, United Nations Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, Gaza-Jericho Agreement, Haifa Declaration, Tahdiya. Excerpt: The Arab Peace Initiative (Arabic Language: żżżżżż żżżżżż żżżżżżż) is a comprehensive peace initiative first proposed in 2002 at the Beirut Summit of the Arab League by then-Crown Prince, King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, and re-endorsed at the Riyadh Summit in 2007. The initiative attempts to end the Arab-Israeli conflict, which means normalizing relations between the entire Arab region and Israel, in exchange for a complete withdrawal from the occupied territories (including East Jerusalem) and a "just settlement" of the Palestinian refugee crisis based on UN Resolution 194 (which calls for a diplomatic resolution to the conflict and resolves that any refugees "wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbors" should be able to do so or if they otherwise wish to be provided with compensation). The Initiative was initially overshadowed by the Passover Massacre, a major terrorist attack that took place on March 27, 2002 (the day before the Initiative was published) and that had been claimed by the Izz ...
Neorealism and Neoliberalism UNIVERSITY PRESSES
Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna
In light of the recent demise of the Soviet Union and the subsequent withdrawal of Soviet forces from Central Europe, the debate between neoliberal institutionalism and neorealism has taken on a new relevance. Neorealism and Neoliberalism concentrates on issues of conflict and cooperation with their implications for post-Cold War international relations. Essays by some of today's most prominent political theorists debate the importance of anarchy versus the importance of interdependence in determining state behavior; the feasibility of international cooperation; the impotance of absolute gains versus relative gains as incentive for cooperation; the trade-offs between economic welfare and military security; the importance of state intentions versus state power; and the significance of the emergence of numerous international regimes and institutions. The collection features: -An introduction by David A. Baldwin; -Robert O. Keohane on the realist challenge after the Cold War; -Joseph M. Grieco on relative gains and the limits of cooperation; -Helen Milner on anarchy in international relations theory; -Stephen Krasner on national power and international cooperation; -Charles Lipson on international cooperation in economic and security affairs. Cutting to the heart of the debate over the possibility of a "new world order," Baldwin's collection is essential reading for anyone seeking to understand the post-Cold War world.
Second Bill of Rights Basic Books
This book offers a bold resurrection of Franklin D. Roosevelt's forgotten call for economic justice for all citizens. In 1944, Franklin D Roosevelt gave a State of the Union Address that was arguably the greatest political speech of the twentieth century. In it, Roosevelt grappled with the definition of security in a democracy, concluding that "unless there is security here at home, there cannot be lasting peace in the world." To help ensure that security, he proposed a "Second Bill of Rights" - economic rights that he saw as necessary to achieve political freedom. Many of America's great legislative achievements of the past sixty years stem from Roosevelt's vision. Using this speech as a launching point, Cass R Sunstein shows how these rights are vital to the continuing security of the nation. This is an ambitious, sweeping book that argues for a new vision of FDR, of constitutional history and the current political scene.
W numerze [Contents]STUDIA [STUDIES]Irena Popiuk-Rysińska: Od orędzia Roosevelta do Celów Zrównoważonego Rozwoju 2030. Kwestia rozwoju na forum Narodów Zjednoczonych [From Roosevelt
Czasopisma i periodyki / Czasopisma
W numerze [Contents] STUDIA [STUDIES] Irena Popiuk-RysiĹska: Od orÄdzia Roosevelta do CelĂłw ZrĂłwnowaĹźonego Rozwoju 2030. Kwestia rozwoju na forum NarodĂłw Zjednoczonych [From Rooseveltâs Address to the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals. The Issue of Development in the United Nations], doi 10.7366/020909611201601, s. 9â36; StanisĹaw BieleĹ: NATO â czas przewartoĹciowaĹ [NATO â A Time of Redefinitions], doi 10.7366/020909611201602, s. 37â50; StanisĹaw Parzymies: Francja w stosunkach miÄdzynarodowych. Mocarstwo europejskie czy globalne? [France in International Relations. A European or Global Power?], doi 10.7366/020909611201603, s. 51â74; GraĹźyna MichaĹowska: Sytuacja dzieci w Chinach w Ĺwietle standardĂłw miÄdzynarodowych [The Situation of Children in China in Light of International Standards], doi 10.7366/020909611201604, s. 75â92; Natalia KohtamĂ¤ki: Europejska agencja nadzoru bankowego w systemie bezpieczeĹstwa finansowego Unii Europejskiej [The European Banking Authority in the EU Financial Security System], doi 10.7366/020909611201605, s. 93â108; Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse: Geopolityczne strategie paĹstw mniejszych i peryferyjnych â przykĹad Polski w Unii Europejskiej [Geopolitical Strategies of Minor and Peripheral States: The Example of Poland in the European Union], doi 10.7366/020909611201606, s. 109â132; Agnieszka Szpak: Status âmaĹych zielonych ludzikĂłwâ w konflikcie zbrojnym na Ukrainie [The Status of âLittle Green Menâ in the Armed Conflict in Ukraine], doi 10.7366/020909611201607, s. 133â152; Agata Kleczkowska: Palestyna â paĹstwo nieuznawane [Palestine â An Unrecognised State], doi 10.7366/020909611201608, s. 153â176; Serge Sur: La Charte des Nations Unies interdit-elle le recours Ă la force armĂŠe? [Does the Charter of the United Nations Prohibit the Use of Armed Force?], doi 10.7366/020909611201609, s. 177â188; Katarzyna Czornik: Hard power a soft power w polityce zagranicznej Arabii Saudyjskiej w drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku. Casus Bahrajnu i Jemenu [Hard and Soft Power in Saudi Arabiaâs Foreign Policy in the Second Half of the 21st Century. The Case of Bahrain and Yemen], doi 10.7366/020909611201610, s. 189â210; Marek Rewizorski: BRICS in the G20? The Involvement of Rising Powers in the Premier Forum of Global Governance, doi 10.7366/020909611201611, s. 211â222; Bartosz Konrad Jankowski: ChiĹska Republika Ludowa jako wschodzÄ cy donator pomocy rozwojowej [The Peopleâs Republic of China as an Emerging Donor of Development Assistance], doi 10.7366/020909611201612, s. 223â246; Karolina ZieliĹska: Relacje z krajami Afryki Subsaharyjskiej a sytuacja miÄdzynarodowa Izraela w latach 1956â1973 [Sub-Saharan Africa in Israelâs Foreign Policy 1956â1973], doi 10.7366/020909611201613, s. 247â270; Ä°pek Aynuksa: Ali UfkĂŽ Bey (Wojciech Bobowski) â Well-Known Musician, Forgotten Political Figure. A Luminary in the 600 Years of TurkishâPolish Diplomatic Relations, doi 10.7366/020909611201614, s. 271â284; Hanna Schreiber: Metoda etnograficzna w badaniu stosunkĂłw miÄdzynarodowych â uwagi wstÄpne [The Ethnographic Method as a Research Method in International Relations â Preliminary Remarks], doi 10.7366/020909611201615, s. 285â302; Oskar Pietrewicz: Korea PĂłĹnocna w dyskursie akademicko-eksperckim w Chinach [North Korea in the Academic and Expert Discourse in China], doi 10.7366/020909611201616, s. 303â321. SPRAWOZDANIA [REPORTS] Weronika Garbacz, Anna Pochylska, Anna Walkowiak: Sprawozdanie z Konferencji â70 lat Organizacji NarodĂłw Zjednoczonych: Silna ONZ. Lepszy Ĺwiatâ â 3 listopada 2015 roku [Report on the Conference on 70 years of the United Nations âA Stronger UN. A Better Worldâ â 3 November 2015], s. 323â348. RECENZJE [REVIEWS] Roman KuĹşniar: Irena Popiuk-RysiĹska, Ewolucja systemu zbiorowego bezpieczeĹstwa NarodĂłw Zjednoczonych po zimnej wojnie [The Evolution of the UNâs Collective Security System after the Cold War], s. 349â354; Diana Stelowska-Morgulec: GraĹźyna MichaĹowska, Hanna Schreiber (red.), Kultura w stosunkach miÄdzynarodowych. Tom 1: Zwrot kulturowy [[Culture in International Relations. Volume I: Cultural Turn], s. 355â358; Iwona Wyciechowska: Anna PotyraĹa, Organizacja NarodĂłw Zjednoczonych wobec problemu uchodĹşstwa. Geneza, istota i praktyka aktywnoĹci [The United Nations and the Refugee Problem. Genesis, Essence and Practice], s. 359â364; Hanna Schreiber: Jacek Czaputowicz (red.), Studia europejskie. Wyzwania interdyscyplinarnoĹci [European Studies. The Challenges of Interdisciplinarity], s. 365â372; Jan RowiĹski, RafaĹ TuszyĹski: Ewa Trojnar (red.), The Taiwan Issues, s. 373â376; Karina JÄdrzejowska: Bartosz Jankowski, UdziaĹ Polski w miÄdzynarodowej wspĂłĹpracy na rzecz rozwoju [Polandâs Involvement in International Development Cooperation], s. 377â381; Wojciech Kostecki: Anna Wojciuk, Imperia wiedzy: edukacja i nauka jako czynniki siĹy paĹstw na arenie miÄdzynarodowej [Empires of Knowledge: Education and Science as Factors of State Power in the International Arena], s. 381â385.
Technological Choice Forgotten Books
Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna
Excerpt from Technological Choice: Obstacles and Opportunities for Union-Mangement Consultation on New Technology: February 1988 Over the past decade, efforts to reverse the decline in manufacturing productivity have stimulated rapid increases in the sophistication of production technologies. Though often conceded as necessary in light of increased global economic competition, technological change nonetheless creates serious tensions in an already troubled system of labor-management relations. Tensions are building in several directions. Many union members see new technology as a threat to job security and skills and are pressing their leaders to include technology as part of the package of issues over which union leaders should negotiate (Parker 1985; Slaughter 1983; Shaiken 1985).Many union leaders are now haunted by concessions (particularly in the area of job structures and work rules) that were granted to employers during the recent recession and are attempting to reconsolidate their influence in the workplace (Kuttner 1986; Hershizer 1987; Solomon 1987; Cornfield 1987; Kochan and Piore 1985).Employers may be attracted by the lure of substantial reductions in labor cost and by the negotiating leverage to be gained from new equipment and processes, but they cannot ignore the human resource and industrial relations impacts of indiscriminate adoption of new technology (Beer, etal 1985). As some companies have discovered, headlong rushes into untried technologies, or trying too much at once, can lead to painful results (cf., Liker, Roitman and Roskies 1987); many more have come to realize that the benefits of new technology cannot be fully realized without the right combination of equipment, skills and people (Davis and Taylor 1976; Walton 1981, 1987). About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.
CzasopismaPolityka międzynarodowa. Dyplomatyka
W numerze [Contents]STUDIA [STUDIES]Irena Popiuk-Rysińska: Od orędzia Roosevelta do Celów Zrównoważonego Rozwoju 2030. Kwestia rozwoju na forum Narodów Zjednoczonych [From Roosevelt?s Address to the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals. The Issue of Development in the United Nations], doi 10.7366/020909611201601, s. 9?36;Stanisław Bieleń: NATO ? czas przewartościowań [NATO ? A Time of Redefinitions], doi 10.7366/020909611201602, s. 37?50;Stanisław Parzymies: Francja w stosunkach międzynarodowych. Mocarstwo europejskie czy globalne? [France in International Relations. A European or Global Power?], doi 10.7366/020909611201603, s. 51?74;Grażyna Michałowska: Sytuacja dzieci w Chinach w świetle standardów międzynarodowych [The Situation of Children in China in Light of International Standards], doi 10.7366/020909611201604, s. 75?92;Natalia Kohtamäki: Europejska agencja nadzoru bankowego w systemie bezpieczeństwa finansowego Unii Europejskiej [The European Banking Authority in the EU Financial Security System], doi 10.7366/020909611201605, s. 93?108;Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse: Geopolityczne strategie państw mniejszych i peryferyjnych ? przykład Polski w Unii Europejskiej [Geopolitical Strategies of Minor and Peripheral States: The Example of Poland in the European Union], doi 10.7366/020909611201606, s. 109?132;Agnieszka Szpak: Status ?małych zielonych ludzików? w konflikcie zbrojnym na Ukrainie [The Status of ?Little Green Men? in the Armed Conflict in Ukraine], doi 10.7366/020909611201607, s. 133?152;Agata Kleczkowska: Palestyna ? państwo nieuznawane [Palestine ? An Unrecognised State], doi 10.7366/020909611201608, s. 153?176;Serge Sur: La Charte des Nations Unies interdit-elle le recours ? la force armée? [Does the Charter of the United Nations Prohibit the Use of Armed Force?], doi 10.7366/020909611201609, s. 177?188;Katarzyna Czornik: Hard power a soft power w polityce zagranicznej Arabii Saudyjskiej w drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku. Casus Bahrajnu i Jemenu [Hard and Soft Power in Saudi Arabia?s Foreign Policy in the Second Half of the 21st Century. The Case of Bahrain and Yemen], doi 10.7366/020909611201610, s. 189?210;Marek Rewizorski: BRICS in the G20? The Involvement of Rising Powers in the Premier Forumof Global Governance, doi 10.7366/020909611201611, s. 211?222;Bartosz Konrad Jankowski: Chińska Republika Ludowa jako wschodzący donator pomocy rozwojowej [The People?s Republic of China as an Emerging Donor of Development Assistance], doi 10.7366/020909611201612, s. 223?246;Karolina Zielińska: Relacje z krajami Afryki Subsaharyjskiej a sytuacja międzynarodowa Izraela w latach 1956?1973 [Sub-Saharan Africa in Israel?s Foreign Policy 1956?1973], doi 10.7366/020909611201613, s. 247?270;?pek Aynuksa: Ali Ufkî Bey (Wojciech Bobowski) ? Well-Known Musician, Forgotten PoliticalFigure. A Luminary in the 600 Years of Turkish?Polish Diplomatic Relations, doi 10.7366/020909611201614, s. 271?284;Hanna Schreiber: Metoda etnograficzna w badaniu stosunków międzynarodowych ? uwagi wstępne [The Ethnographic Method as a Research Method in International Relations ? Preliminary Remarks], doi 10.7366/020909611201615, s. 285?302;Oskar Pietrewicz: Korea Północna w dyskursie akademicko-eksperckim w Chinach [North Korea in the Academic and Expert Discourse in China], doi 10.7366/020909611201616, s. 303?321.SPRAWOZDANIA [REPORTS]Weronika Garbacz, Anna Pochylska, Anna Walkowiak: Sprawozdanie z Konferencji ?70 lat Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych: Silna ONZ. Lepszy świat? ? 3 listopada 2015 roku [Report on the Conference on 70 years of the United Nations ?A Stronger UN. A Better World? ? 3 November 2015], s. 323?348.RECENZJE [REVIEWS]Roman Kuźniar: Irena Popiuk-Rysińska, Ewolucja systemu zbiorowego bezpieczeństwa Narodów Zjednoczonych po zimnej wojnie [The Evolution of the UN?s Collective Security System after the Cold War], s. 349?354;Diana Stelowska-Morgulec: Grażyna Michałowska, Hanna Schreiber (red.), Kultura w stosunkachmiędzynarodowych. Tom 1: Zwrot kulturowy [[Culture in International Relations. Volume I: Cultural Turn], s. 355?358;Iwona Wyciechowska: Anna Potyrała, Organizacja Narodów Zjednoczonych wobec problemu uchodźstwa. Geneza, istota i praktyka aktywności [The United Nations and the Refugee Problem. Genesis, Essence and Practice], s. 359?364;Hanna Schreiber: Jacek Czaputowicz (red.), Studia europejskie. Wyzwania interdyscyplinarności [European Studies. The Challenges of Interdisciplinarity], s. 365?372;Jan Rowiński, Rafał Tuszyński: Ewa Trojnar (red.), The Taiwan Issues, s. 373?376;Karina Jędrzejowska: Bartosz Jankowski, Udział Polski w międzynarodowej współpracy na rzecz rozwoju [Poland?s Involvement in International Development Cooperation], s. 377?381;Wojciech Kostecki: Anna Wojciuk, Imperia wiedzy: edukacja i nauka jako czynniki siły państw na arenie międzynarodowej [Empires of Knowledge: Education and Science as Factors of State Power in the International Arena], s. 381?385.
Political Economy of the Persian Gulf HURST C & CO PUBLISHERS
Książki / Literatura obcojęzyczna
Change occurs rapidly in the Persian Gulf. While some states have capitalised on the fast-paced nature of globalised fiscal transactions and have become important markets for foreign investment, others have fallen victim to such speculations. The 'Dubai Model' of economic diversification is being re-evaluated as the GCC states continue to seek the best means of organizing their economies and competing within the global order. Explaining the different ways in which globalising forces have shaped new dimensions to the political economy of the Persian Gulf states, this book evaluates the changes that have occurred, especially in light of the ongoing global economic crisis. Mutually beneficial rentier arrangements have guided the GCC countries formation of oil-based economies and labor relations in the past, but will this necessarily be the case in the future? This book addresses key issues including discussion on the future demographic aspects of the GCC; the feasibility of establishing a GCC monetary union; the effects of rentierism on state autonomy; and analysis of sovereign wealth funds and Islamic banking models.
Eu Law Penguin
Now completely revised and updated for its third edition, this authoritative analysis gives the essential background to an understanding of the operation of the European Union and of the problems facing it. Written by two experts in the field, the book surveys the gradual development of the European Community and its emergence as the European Union and provides a thorough examination of the EU's legislative process, the jurisdiction of the Court and the principles of direct effect and supremacy. Authoritative coverage is given to the internal market; including freedom of movement of goods, persons, services and capital; to competition policy, including mergers, intellectual property and state intervention in the market; and to social policy. Completely updated in the light of the Treaty of Amsterdam, this detailed account explores the institutional and constitutional changes to the legal structure of the EU made by that Treaty. This includes new legislation designed to create an area of freedom, security and justice within which people will be able to move about freely (a framework from which the United Kingdom, Denmark and Ireland have opt outs), and the establishment of closer co-operation between some of the Member States. Economic and monetary union is also discussed and a new chapter looks at consumer and environmental policy. Although this book deals primarily with the legal perspective, it also includes a detailed examination of the political institutions, such as the Commission, Council and Parliament. It will therefore be of immense value not only to practising lawyers who need to understand the impact of EU law, but also to anyone who is studying or is interested in politics, European studies, economics or modern history.
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